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Article References

GUEDES, Roberto. Manual trades and social mobility: Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo (circa 1650 - circa 1850).Translated byEoin O'Neill. Topoi [online]. 2006, vol.2Selected edition, pp. 0-0. ISSN 1518-3319.


    ii PRADO JÚNIOR, Caio. Formação do Brasil contemporâneo. São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1983, p. 346. [ Links ]


    iii FRANCO, Maria Carvalho. Homens livres na ordem escravocrata. São Paulo: Ed. UNESP, 4a Ed, 1997, pp. 21-63; [ Links ]

    SOUZA, Laura de Mello e. Desclassificados do ouro. A pobreza mineira no século XVIII. Rio de Janeiro: Graal, 2004, 4th. Ed., 2004; [ Links ]

    NADALIN, Sérgio Odilon. "A população no passado colonial brasileiro: mobilidade versus estabilidade" Topoi, v. 4, no. 7, 2003, pp. 230, 231, 240. [ Links ]


    iv Another impediment is slavery, outlined in FERREIRA, Roberto Guedes. "Pardos: trabalho, família, aliança e mobilidade social. Porto Feliz, SãoPaulo, cerca 1798 - 1850". Doctoral thesis presented to the Post-Graduate Programme of Social History of UFRJ. Rio de Janeiro, 2005, Chapter 2. [ Links ]


    v About the controversial question of social stratification in status-based societies, cf. MOUSNIER, Rolland (Org.). Problemas de estratificação social. Lisbon: Martins Fontes, 1968; [ Links ]

    ROCHE, Daniel (Org.). Ordenes, estamentos y classes. Madrid: Siglo Veinteiuno de Espana, 1978; [ Links ]

    STONE, Lawrence. La crisis de la aristocracia (1558-1641). Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1985. [ Links ]

    For stratification within strata, cf. DUBY, Georges. As três ordens ou o imaginário do feudalismo. Lisbon: Editorial Estampa, 1982. [ Links ]

    In relation to the Ancien Regime, it is "difficult to present succinctly a regime (...) that always cultivated confusion (...) whose real functioning is not well known to historians (...)". GOUBERT, Pierre. El Antigo Régimem. La sociedad. Madrid: Siglo Veintiuno de España, 4th Ed, 1984, pp. 8-9. [ Links ]

    For the Ancien Regime in Brazil, cf. MESGRAVIS, Laima. "Os aspectos estamentais da estrutura social do Brasil Colônia". Estudos Econômicos, no. 13, 1983 [ Links ]

    and FRAGOSO, João et. All (Orgs.). O Antigo Regime nos trópicos. Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira, 2001. [ Links ]


    vi SCHWARTZ, Stuart B. Segredos Internos: engenhos e escravos na sociedade colonial, 1550-1835. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1988, p. 210. [ Links ]


    vii According to Rios, the emphasis on hierarchy based on slavery obscured the importance of the manual flaw as a negative value of social distinction, which remained stigmatised through colonisation, defining social identities and delimiting access to the condition of noble, RIOS, Wilson. A lei e o estilo. A inserção dos ofícios mecânicos na sociedade colonial brasileira. Salvador e Vila Rica 1690-1790. Doctoral thesis presented to the Post-Graduation Programme in History of UFF. Niterói, 2000, pp. 1-3, 46-62, 100 and following. [ Links ]

    About the manual flaw stigma and its redefinition in Portugal in the colony during the eighteenth century, cf. BOXER, Charles. O império colonial português (1415-1825). Lisbon: Edições 70, 1981, Chapters 11 and 13. [ Links ]


    viii MELLO, Evaldo Cabral de. O nome e o sangue. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1989, pp. 26, 28, 33, 134 and following. [ Links ]


    x Recent research has shown, however, that the presence of manual tradesmen and merchants was frequent not just in Brazil, but also in the municipal chambers of the Portuguese Empire. BICALHO, Maria Fernanda. "As câmaras ultramarinas e o governo do Império" [ Links ]

    and FRAGOSO, João. "A formação da economia colonial no Rio de Janeiro e de sua primeira elite senhorial". In FRAGOSO, João et. All (Orgs.). O Antigo Regime nos trópicos. Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira, 2001. [ Links ]

    BICALHO, Maria Fernanda. A Cidade e o Império. O Rio de Janeiro no século XVIII. Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira, 2003, Chapter 12. [ Links ]


    xiii HESPANHA, Antonio Manuel de "A constituição do império português. Revisão de alguns enviesamentos". In FRAGOSO, João et. All (Orgs.). O Antigo Regime nos trópicos. Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira, 2001. pp. 163-188[ [ Links ]


    xv MONTEIRO, Nuno G. "Elites e mobilidade social em Portugal nos finais do Antigo Regime". Análise Social, vol. XXII, 141, 2, 1997. pp. 343-344. [ Links ]


    xvii FREYRE, Gilberto. Sobrados e mucambos: a decadência do patriarcado rural e desenvolvimento do urbano. Rio de Janeiro: Record, 13th ed., 2002, pp. 386-403. [ Links ]


    xxi FRAGOSO, João. "Algumas notas sobre a noção de colonial tardio no Rio de Janeiro: um ensaio sobre a economia colonial". Locus. Revista de História, no. 10, 2000 [ Links ]

    and  "A noção de economia colonial tardia no Rio de Janeiro e as conexões econômicas do Império português:1790-1820". In FRAGOSO, João et. All (Orgs.). O Antigo Regime nos trópicos. Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira, 2001b. [ Links ]


    xxiv FRAGOSO, João and FLORENTINO, Manolo. O arcaísmo como projeto. Mercado Atlântico, sociedade agrária e elite mercantil no Rio de Janeiro, c. 1790 – c. 1840. Rio de Janeiro: Diadorim, 1993. p. 107. [ Links ]


    xxvi SAMPAIO, Antonio Jucá. Na Encruzilhada do Império: hierarquias sociais e conjunturas econômicas no Rio de Janeiro (c.1650-c.1750). Rio de Janeiro: Arquivo Nacional, 2003, pp. 77-80. [ Links ]


    xxviii Idem, p. 126. In comparative terms, this differentiation of the man of business in Fluminense society preceded that of their Lisbon contemporaries. According to Jorge Pereira in Lisbon in addition to trade not being confined to one social group, the large merchants (who operated at a large scale over a long distance, as well as negotiating credit and contracts with the State) remained undifferentiated in the social corpus, which contributed to the association of their image with that of the New Christian, the low social consideration of those involved in commerce and even the lack of distinction between large-scale and retail operations. This lasted from the sixteenth to the middle of the eighteenth centuries. First, in the "first half of the sixteenth century and the 1700s (...) the language that described the different types of merchants continued to be very imprecise". Only during the Pombalino period did the term men of business come to designate a distinct group of merchants, when they were invested with a "superior social quality". This differentiation took place at two levels: in the legislative sphere and within the actual mercantile community. PEDREIRA, Jorge Miguel Viana. Os homens de negócio da praça de Lisboa. De Pombal ao Vintismo (1755-1822). Diferenciação, reprodução e identificação de um grupo social. Doctoral thesis presented to the Faculty of Social and Human Science of the New University of Lisbon. Lisbon, 1995. [ Links ]


    xxxv Bluteau, Raphael. Vocabulário Português e Latino. Rio de Janeiro: UERJ, 2000, p. 35. CD-ROM version. 1st ed., 1712-1727. [ Links ]


    xxxvi ELLIS JÚNIOR, Alfredo. Os primeiros troncos paulistas. São Paulo: Editora Nacional, 1976, pp.189-206; [ Links ]

    ZEQUINI, Anicleide. "A fundação de São Paulo e os primeiros paulistas: indígenas, europeus e mamelucos". In Setúbal, Maria Alice (Coord). A Formação do Estado de São Paulo. São Paulo: Imprensa Oficial do Estado de São Paulo, 2004, pp. 29-53. [ Links ]


    xxxviii HOLANDA, Sérgio Buarque de. "Movimentos da população em São Paulo no século XVIII". Revista do Instituto de Estudos Brasileiros. São Paulo: no publisher, 1966, pp. 64-65. [ Links ]


    xli KUZNESOF, Elizabeth Anne. "The Role of merchants in the economic development of São Paulo, 1765-1850". Hispanic American Historical Review, vol. 60, no. 4, 1980, pp. 571-592. [ Links ]


    xliv GODOY, Silvana. Itu e Araritaguaba na Rota das Monções (1718 a 1838). Masters Thesis presented to the Post-Graduate Programme in Economic History of UNICAMP, 2002, pp. 36-50, 171-202. [ Links ]


    xlviii CAMARGO, Teodorico. O sargento mor das Ordenanças de Porto Feliz, Antônio José de Almeida e duas gerações de seus descendentes. São Paulo: Empresa Gráfica da Revista dos Tribunais Ltda, 1954, pp. 33-34. [ Links ]


    li In relation to the administration of slavery, cf. MARQUESE, Rafael B. Administração e escravidão: idéias sobre a gestão da agricultura escravista brasileira. São Paulo: Hucitec/Fapesp, 1999; [ Links ]


    lxi DELUMEAU, Jean. "Modalidad social: ricos y pobres em la época del Renascimiento". In Roche, Daniel (Org.). Ordenes, estamentos y classes. Madri: Siglo Veinteiuno de Espana, 1978, pp. 150-162; [ Links ]


    lxii According to Giovanni Levi, "(…) such uniformity of behaviour, as a rule of social imitation, is not absolutely a pacific point. Actors need a reason to imitate. Medieval and modern societies were not stratified simply in function of their fortune or the legal barriers that defined statutes. Its segmentation was also based on the existence of cultures, survival strategies, and different forms of consumption. We should not imagine the bourgeoisie in search of an aristocratic model, workers in search of the bourgeois model, beggars in search of the paid employment model, etc. – at the risk of preventing ourselves from understanding the phenomenon of social mobility (...). In a society segmented into bodies, conflicts and solidarity frequently occurred between equals, these competed within a given segment, characterised by the existence of organised forms of consumption, that were hierarchical and intensely invested with symbolic values (...) To use an image, a beggar aspires first of all to be the king of the beggars rather than a poor trader". LEVI, Giovanni. "Comportamentos, recursos, processos: antes da ‘revolução' do consumo". In REVEL, Jacques (Org.) Jogos de Escala. Rio de Janeiro: FGV, 1998, pp. 211-212. [ Links ]


    lxiv I am drawing on Levi who, in relation to sixteenth century Italian peasants, states: "(...) given the society we are studying, the aspects of conservation and equality rather than the aspects of maximisation. In peasant societies of this type (...) the flight from poverty took place in a scenario with a predominance of the conservation of status rather than enrichment as the dominant value. It is a very hierarchical society, but with a more or less latent potential for conflict, more linked to survival than social ascension", apud LIMA FILHO, Henrique. Microstoria: Escalas, indícios e Singularidades. Doctoral thesis presented to the Post-Graduate Programme in History of UNICAMP. Campinas, 1999, p. 251. [ Links ]


    lxv MARISCHAL, Dorothy. "A estrutura social na Inglaterra no século XVIII". In MOUSNIER, Rolland (Org.). Problemas de estratificação social. Lisboa: Martins Fontes, 1968, pp. 121-140. [ Links ]


    lxvi PAIVA, Eduardo. Escravidão e Universo Cultural na Colônia: Minas Gerais, 1716-1789. Belo Horizonte: Ed. UFMG, 2001, pp. 66-67. [ Links ]


    lxvii EISENBERG, Peter. Homens esquecidos. Campinas: Ed. da UNICAMP, 1989, pp.269-270. [ Links ]


    lxviii CASTRO, Hebe Mattos de. Das cores do silêncio: os significados da liberdade no sudeste escravista. Rio de Janeiro: Arquivo Nacional, 1995, pp.34 onwards. [ Links ]


    lxix FARIA, Sheila de Castro. A colônia em movimento. Rio de Janeiro: Nova Fronteira, 1988, pp. 115, 120, 133-137. [ Links ]

    Pardo apresenta polissemia. FARIA, Sheila de Castro. Sinhás pretas, damas mercadoras. As pretas minas nas cidades do Rio de Janeiro e de São João Del Rey (1750-1850).
    Thesis presented for approval as Full Professor. Niterói: UFF, 2005, p. 68. [ Links ]


    lxxi In relating colour and social mobility in Portuguese America, Russel-Wood emphasises that quality is a word that "is hard to define, but which everyone understands".  RUSSEL-WOOD, A. J. R. Escravos e libertos no Brasil colonial. Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira, 2005, p. 297. [ Links ]


    lxxii As well as the fact that rigid categories of classification tend to dilute differences. CERRUTI, Simona. "Processo e experiência: indivíduos, grupos, e identidades em Turim no século XVII". In REVEL, Jacques. Jogos de Escalas.Rio de Janeiro: FGV, 1998, pp 173-201. [ Links ]


    lxxiii MACHADO, Cacilda.A Trama das Vontades. Negros, pardos e brancos na produção da hierarquia social (São José dos Pinhais – PR, passagem do XVIII para o XIX). Doctoral thesis presented to the Post-Graduate Programme in Social History of UFRJ. Rio de Janeiro, 2006, 273-287. [ Links ]


    lxxxi Quality of blood did not yet have the racialist connotation it would assume in the nineteenth century. It derived from the purity of blood statues in force in the Portuguese empire based on descent. MATTOS, Hebe. Escravidão e Cidadania no Brasil Monárquico. Rio de Janeiro: Zahar, 2000, pp. 14-15. [ Links ]


    lxxxiii RUSSEL-WOOD, A. J. R. The black man in slavery and freedom in Colonial Brazil. New York, St. Martin's Press, 1982, pp. 63-64; 2005, op. cit; pp. 320-321. [ Links ]


    lxxxv AN, Codice 425, 5 Volumes. Cf. FRAGOSO, João and FERREIRA, Roberto Guedes. "Alegrias e artimanhas de uma fonte seriada", In: BOTELHO, Tarciso R. et. all. (Orgs.). História quantitativa e serial no Brasil: um balanço. Goiânia: ANPUH-MG, 2001-2002. [ Links ]


    xcii This was not restricted to the town. In nineteenth century São Paulo, among the reasons for given minors permission to marry most frequently mentioned, after the consent of the bride, was that the "groom is a hard worker". NAZZARI, Muriel. O desaparecimento do dote. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2001, p. 225. [ Links ]


    xciv Fazenda seca generally referred to various type of commerce, especially cloths and fabrics, though there were regional variations in the use of the term. Cf. in relation to this Chaves, Cláudia Maria das Graças. Perfeitos negociantes: mercadores das minas setecentistas. São Paulo: Annablume, 1999, Chapters II and III; Carrara, Ângelo Alves. A real fazenda de Minas Gerais: guia de pesquisa da coleção Casa dos Contos de Ouro Preto. Ouro Preto: UFOP, 2003, vol. I, p. 23; [ Links ]

      Faria, Sheila de Castro. A colônia em movimento. Fortuna e família no cotidiano colonial.  Rio de Janeiro: Nova Fronteira, 1998, pp. 178-186. [ Links ]


    cix The term plantador de cana de partido in Porto Feliz is similar to lavrador de cana used in Bahia. According to Ray Flory, "The society that developed along the Brazilian coast during the colonial period owed much of its character and organization to sugar. Where cane could be grown and transported, the Portuguese acquired land and settled permanently with their families. They planted cane on farms called fazendas de cana, and those among them with sufficient capital to do so constructed mills, or engenho, to manufacture sugar for export to Europe. The separation of cultivation and processing, as well as diverse labor needs at each stage of production, brought to the sugar zone a wide range of social elements whose functions, wealth, origins, and status varied. The structure and social categories of the plantation took form early and remained fixed on the Recôncavo for centuries … Typically the mill owners (senhores de engenho) directly cultivated only a portions of the cane they processed so there developed a much larger and internally diverse group of cane growers (lavradores de cana) who supplied the mills. Millers and growers alike imported the bulk of their labor force form Africa, and the senhores de engenho in particular brought to their states numerous free employees to provide skilled, technical, and supervisory services" [original emphasis]. Thus, in terms of space in the productive process, the term lavrador de cana applies to a cane grower who did not transform the cane into sugar. In Porto Feliz in the nineteenth century, the term plantador de cana de partido has the same sense, though theses growers would have possessed less slaves than their equivalents in Bahia. They planted cane on their own land or land belonging to other people. Furthermore, though this was rare they could also be sugar producers but without the status of senhor de engenho. FLORY, Rae Jean Dell. Bahian Society in the Middle-Colonial period: the sugar planters, tobacco growers, merchants and artisans of Salvador and the Recôncavo. 1680-1725. Dissertation presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Texas at Austin in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, 1978, pp. 17-18. [ Links ]


    cxi About forros in the period after the abolition of slavery, cf. RIOS, Ana Lugão e MATTOS, Hebe. Memórias do cativeiro. Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira, 2005. [ Links ]


    cxii For the first case, cf, FERREIRA, op. cit; Chapter II. I have talked extensively about the manual flaw throughout these pages. About bacharelism, Gilberto Freyre has referred to the Portuguese grown rich from trade who feared "in the mestiços and mulattoes– even when they were their children – the bohemian romanticism of Brazilians who, scornful of commerce and impassioned with the professions, fine arts, beautiful actresses, bel-canto, compromised the ugly continuity that had been achieved and accumulated with much effort, at times heroic (...)". FREYRE, op. cit; p. 295. Therefore, although part of those leaving slavery many have looked down on the manual trades, it should be highlighted that the depreciation of manual work could be mainly related to the culture of bacharelismo that would develop at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth century, when the institutionalisation of professions, especially doctors, engineers and lawyers, professions that been born humble, moulded a discourse that disqualified manual labour, as emphasised by Campos Coelho. For example, when the Polytechnic School of Engineering was created in 1874, engineers avoided "the identification of their profession with any type of ‘manual' activity. They did not work in building sites, ‘get their hands dirty', as the English and American who built the railways did (...) They examined contracts, wrote technical opinions, inspected works. Almost all public employees (...) our engineers enjoyed little social prestige and precisely for this, more than doctors and lawyers, they attributed disproportional importance to academic titles and the graduate's ring" COELHO, Edmundo C. As profissões imperiais: medicina, engenharia e advocacia no Rio de Janeiro, 1822-1930. Rio de Janeiro: Record, 1999, pp. 94-95. [ Links ]