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<journal-id>1806-6445</journal-id>
<journal-title><![CDATA[Sur - Revista Internacional de Direitos Humanos]]></journal-title>
<abbrev-journal-title><![CDATA[Sur]]></abbrev-journal-title>
<issn>1806-6445</issn>
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<publisher-name><![CDATA[Sur - Rede Universitária de Direitos Humanos]]></publisher-name>
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<article-meta>
<article-id>S1806-64452008000100005</article-id>
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<article-title xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Poverty and human rights: From rhetoric to legal obligations a critical account of conceptual frameworks]]></article-title>
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<contrib-group>
<contrib contrib-type="author">
<name>
<surname><![CDATA[Costa]]></surname>
<given-names><![CDATA[Fernanda Doz]]></given-names>
</name>
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<aff id="A01">
<institution><![CDATA[,Centro pela Justiça e o Direito Internacional  ]]></institution>
<addr-line><![CDATA[ ]]></addr-line>
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<aff id="A02">
<institution><![CDATA[,Centro de Direitos Humanos e Meio Ambiente  ]]></institution>
<addr-line><![CDATA[ ]]></addr-line>
</aff>
<aff id="A03">
<institution><![CDATA[,Programa para as Américas Secretariado Internacional da Anistia Internacional ]]></institution>
<addr-line><![CDATA[ ]]></addr-line>
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<pub-date pub-type="pub">
<day>00</day>
<month>00</month>
<year>2008</year>
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<pub-date pub-type="epub">
<day>00</day>
<month>00</month>
<year>2008</year>
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<volume>4</volume>
<numero>se</numero>
<fpage>0</fpage>
<lpage>0</lpage>
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<copyright-year/>
<self-uri xlink:href="http://socialsciences.scielo.org/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&amp;pid=S1806-64452008000100005&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://socialsciences.scielo.org/scielo.php?script=sci_abstract&amp;pid=S1806-64452008000100005&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://socialsciences.scielo.org/scielo.php?script=sci_pdf&amp;pid=S1806-64452008000100005&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="en"><p><![CDATA[There is still lack of conceptual clarity in the notion of poverty as a violation of human rights. This is a problem for human rights practitioners that take the indivisibility of human rights seriously, understand the centrality of poverty in the plight of many human rights victims and want to work professionally, through binding internationally recognized human rights obligations, in the fight against poverty. This paper tries to clarify the conceptual gap. It presents a critical summary of the most important attempts to conceptually clarify the connection between poverty and human rights from an international human rights law perspective. It analyzes different conceptual frameworks, their strengths and weaknesses. The paper identifies three different models for linking both concepts: (1) theories that conceive poverty as per se a violation of human rights; (2) theories that conceptualize poverty as a violation of one specific human right, namely the right to an adequate standard of living or to development; and (3) theories that conceive poverty as a cause or consequence of human rights violations. The paper concludes that the third approach is the most useful in the current state of development of international human rights law and jurisprudence, but that the second approach has a lot of potential to push the poverty and human rights agenda forward and it should be developed further.]]></p></abstract>
<kwd-group>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[Poverty]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[Human rights]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[Development]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[Adequate standard of living]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[Legal obligations]]></kwd>
</kwd-group>
</article-meta>
</front><body><![CDATA[ <p><font face="Verdana" size="4"><b>Poverty and human rights: From rhetoric to    legal obligations a critical account of conceptual frameworks <a href="#nt1"><sup>1</sup></a><a name="tx1"></a>    </b></font></p>     <p>&nbsp;</p>     <p>&nbsp;</p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b>Fernanda Doz Costa</b></font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif" size="2">Replicated from    Sur - <b>Revista Internacional de Direitos Humanos</b>, S&atilde;o Paulo, n.9,    p.80-107, December 2008.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2">Email: <a href="mailto:fernandadozcosta@hotmail.com">fernandadozcosta@hotmail.com</a>    </font></p>     <p>&nbsp;</p>     <p>&nbsp;</p> <hr size="1" noshade>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> <b>ABSTRACT</b> </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> There is still lack of conceptual clarity in    the notion of poverty as a violation of human rights. This is a problem for    human rights practitioners that take the indivisibility of human rights seriously,    understand the centrality of poverty in the plight of many human rights victims    and want to work professionally, through binding internationally recognized    human rights obligations, in the fight against poverty. This paper tries to    clarify the conceptual gap. It presents a critical summary of the most important    attempts to conceptually clarify the connection between poverty and human rights    from an international human rights law perspective. It analyzes different conceptual    frameworks, their strengths and weaknesses. The paper identifies three different    models for linking both concepts: (1) theories that conceive poverty as <i>per    se</i> a violation of human rights; (2) theories that conceptualize poverty    as a violation of <i>one specific human right</i>, namely the right to an adequate    standard of living or to development; and (3) theories that conceive poverty    as a <i>cause or consequence of human rights violations</i>. The paper concludes    that the third approach is the most useful in the current state of development    of international human rights law and jurisprudence, but that the second approach    has a lot of potential to push the poverty and human rights agenda forward and    it should be developed further.</font></p>     ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> <b>Keywords:</b> </font><font face="Verdana" size="2">Poverty    - Human rights - Development - Adequate standard of living - Legal obligations.    </font></p> <hr size="1" noshade> <font face="Verdana" size="4"> </font>      <p>&nbsp;</p>     <p>&nbsp;</p>     <blockquote>        <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><i>This world, that offers a banquet to all      and closes the door in the noses of so many, is, at the same time, equalizer      and unequal: equalizer in the ideas and the customs that it imposes, and unequal      in the opportunities that it offers. (Eduardo Galeano) <a href="#nt2"><sup>2</sup></a><a name="tx2"></a>      </i></font></p> </blockquote>     <p>&nbsp; </p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="3"><b> Introduction </b></font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2">The often quoted statement that "<i>poverty itself    is a violation of numerous basic human rights</i>", <a href="#nt3"><sup>3</sup></a><a name="tx3"></a>    expresses the moral intuition that, in a world rich in resources and the accumulation    of human knowledge, everyone ought to be guaranteed the basic means for sustaining    life, and that those denied these are victims of a fundamental injustice. <a href="#nt4"><sup>4</sup></a><a name="tx4"></a>    This is reinforced by another intuition, which is that the average opulence    in most societies, and definitely so in developed countries, is more than sufficient    to eradicate poverty from the face of the Earth. <a href="#nt5"><sup>5</sup></a><a name="tx5"></a>    Although those intuitions may be true, such a broad statement may fall into    the so-called "<i>fallacy of exaggeration</i>". This fallacy calls every situation    of deprivation (i.e. every situation where a basic human need is not satisfied)    a violation of human rights. <a href="#nt6"><sup>6</sup></a><a name="tx6"></a>    However, from an international human rights law perspective, not every denial    constitutes a violation of human rights. The extent to which it does, is an    underdeveloped conceptual discussion in the human rights literature and practice.    This gap has a historic and ideological reason. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> Immediately after the drafting of the Universal    Declaration of Human Rights -which proclaimed both freedom from want and freedom    from fear- the human rights and the poverty reduction -or development- movement    proceeded on separate conceptual tracks. This was strongly influenced by cold    war politics. Human rights and development experts worked through parallel sets    of intergovernmental institutions without overlapping and so did the majority    of non-governmental organizations in both fields. <a href="#nt7"><sup>7</sup></a><a name="tx7"></a>    </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> Since the mid 1990s, there has been increasing    recognition of poverty as a human rights problem. The human rights movement    has begun to take economic, social and cultural rights seriously and to recognize    the centrality of poverty and their worst consequences in many human rights    violations. The development movement on the other hand, have adopted rights-based    approaches to their work. Within the United Nations (UN) this happened particularly    after the World Conference on Human Rights in Vienna in 1993, where the indivisibility,    interdependence and interrelation of all human rights were affirmed. <a href="#nt8"><sup>8</sup></a><a name="tx8"></a>    This was followed by several declarations and resolutions acknowledging the    international preoccupation with global poverty as a human right issue. <a href="#nt9"><sup>9</sup></a><a name="tx9"></a>    </font></p>     ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> However, these were very broad claims that did    not help to clarify the complex problem of classifying poverty or extreme poverty    as a violation of human rights. The major attempts in this regard where made    in the United Nations (UN) by the UN Development Program (UNDP), the former    Commission on Human Rights (replaced by the Human Rights Council), the Office    of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), and the Educational, Scientific    and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). <a href="#nt10"><sup>10</sup></a><a name="tx10"></a>    Almost all these efforts were made within the framework of the reforms introduced    by the Secretary-General in 1997 of "mainstreaming human rights"<a href="#nt11"><sup>11</sup></a><a name="tx11"></a>    and the UN common understanding on the Human Rights Based Approach to Development.    <a href="#nt12"><sup>12</sup></a><a name="tx12"></a> </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> Consequently, UN materials are mainly addressed    to poverty reduction and development officials explaining how the mainstreaming    human rights approach should apply to their real life job. <a href="#nt13"><sup>13</sup></a><a name="tx13"></a>    However, international human rights practitioners still lack conceptual clarity    in what is exactly meant by the statement that <i>poverty violates human rights</i>,    especially from an international human rights law perspective. Is it a rhetorical    declaration expressing moral condemnation or is it a legal claim? If the latter,    what would be the legal consequences for states and other duty holders? Can    the denial of certain rights be described as poverty? Are those rights codified    under human rights law? Do they entail binding obligations for identified duty-bearers?    Are those duties of plausible compliance? </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> All these questions are complicated, and if    they cannot be solved both in theory and practice, "the notion of poverty as    a violation of human rights cannot be taken as more than an empty and ineffective    slogan". <a href="#nt14"><sup>14</sup></a><a name="tx14"></a> This is a problem    for human rights practitioners that take the indivisibility of human rights    seriously, understand the centrality of poverty in the plight of many human    rights victims and are worried about working professionally, through internationally    recognized binding human rights obligations, in the fight against poverty. There    is a notable lack of literature addressed to human rights defenders and practioners    to help them in their work. <a href="#nt15"><sup>15</sup></a><a name="tx15"></a>    There are also many uninformed or ideologically biased oversimplifications that    have contributed to the confusion. <a href="#nt16"><sup>16</sup></a><a name="tx16"></a>    </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> This paper tries to clarify this conceptual    gap, presenting a critical summary of the most important attempts to conceptually    clarify the connection between poverty and human rights from a human rights    law perspective. Its objective is to analyze different conceptual frameworks,    their strengths and weaknesses and to suggest which one is the most accurate    approach from an international human rights law perspective.Chapter I will address    definitions of poverty and human rights, as a first step to build conceptual    clarity. Chapter II will explore the conceptual frameworks developed to explain    poverty as a human rights violation or denial and will give a critical account    of each of them. These are going to be divided into three groups for reasons    of clarity. The first group will contain the theories that conceive poverty    as <i>per se</i> a violation of human rights. The second group will include    the conceptualization of poverty as a violation of <i>one specific human right</i>,    namely the right to an adequate standard of living or to development. Here I    will divide the claims between moral and legal human rights. Finally, the third    group will include those theories that conceive poverty as a <i>cause or consequence    of human rights violations</i>. I will conclude that the third approach is the    most useful in the current state of development of international human rights    law and jurisprudence, but that the second approach has a lot of potential to    advance the human rights and poverty agenda forward and should be developed    further. </font></p>     <p>&nbsp; </p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="3"><b> I. Towards conceptual clarity: the notions    of poverty and of human rights </b></font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2">At a conceptual level, one can define the work    towards poverty reduction and towards human rights protection with a sufficient    degree of abstraction as to be virtually identical. <a href="#nt17"><sup>17</sup></a><a name="tx17"></a>    A closer view will show that there are significant overlaps and common objectives    but that they are in fact distinct though intersecting endeavors. <a href="#nt18"><sup>18</sup></a><a name="tx18"></a>    Thus, part of the conceptual confusion is based in this lack of clarity of what    is meant by the term <i>poverty</i> and by the term <i>human rights</i>. In    this section I will analyze the main possible meanings of both terms that should    be taken into account by human rights practioners when analyzing and understanding    the three different approaches to poverty and human rights that will be developed    in the next section.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><i> <b>I.A. The concept of poverty</b> </i></font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2">Some of the most eminent social scientists have    been trying to define poverty for more than 200 years. <a href="#nt19"><sup>19</sup></a><a name="tx19"></a>    The significant divergences between the different concepts of poverty have an    impact on the alleged conceptual link between poverty and human rights. When    some people talk about poverty they refer to <i>income poverty</i>, others to    <i>capability deprivation</i> and others to <i>social exclusion</i>.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b>I.A.1. Income poverty</b> </font></p>     ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<p><font face="Verdana" size="2">Poverty has been conventionally viewed as the    lack of income or purchasing power. <a href="#nt20"><sup>20</sup></a><a name="tx20"></a>    According to Jeffrey Sachs, there is agreement on the distinction of three different    types of income poverty: Extreme (or absolute) poverty, moderate poverty, and    relative poverty. </font></p>     <p> <font face="Verdana" size="2">"<i>Extreme poverty</i> means that households    cannot meet their basic needs for survival. They are chronically hungry, unable    to access health care, lack the amenities of safe drinking water and sanitation,    cannot afford education for some or all of the children, and perhaps lack rudimentary    shelter and basic articles of clothing, such as shoes. Unlike moderate and relative    poverty, extreme poverty occurs only in developing countries. <i>Moderate poverty</i>    generally refers to conditions of life in which basic needs are met, but just    barely. <i>Relative poverty</i> generally construed as a household income level    below a given proportion of average national income. The relative poor, in high    income countries, lack access to cultural goods, entertainment, recreation,    and to quality health care, education, and other prerequisites for upward social    mobility". <a href="#nt21"><sup>21</sup></a><a name="tx21"></a> </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> The World Bank uses this paradigm by measuring    a person's income and establishing a "poverty line"(US$1 a day measured in purchasing    power parity), which represents an income level below which a person is held    to be in extreme poverty. <a href="#nt22"><sup>22</sup></a><a name="tx22"></a>    Another World Bank category, income between US$1 per day and US$2 per day, can    be used to measure <i>"moderate poverty</i>". <a href="#nt23"><sup>23</sup></a><a name="tx23"></a></font></p>     <p><b><font face="Verdana" size="2"> I.A.2. Capability poverty </font></b></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2">In the last two decades, the poverty discourse    has moved much beyond the income criterion to the concept of well being. <a href="#nt24"><sup>24</sup></a><a name="tx24"></a>    This was mainly due to UNDP <i>Human Development Report</i> (HDR), clearly influenced    by Amartya Sen's "<i>capability approach</i>", where poverty is seen as "<i>capability    deprivation</i>". This approach relates the notion of poverty to the notion    of "impoverished lives"and to deprivations in the basic freedoms that people    can and do enjoy. These deprivations include the freedom to be adequately nourished,    the freedom to enjoy adequate living conditions, the freedom to lead normal    spans of life, and the freedom to read and write. <a href="#nt25"><sup>25</sup></a><a name="tx25"></a>    It recognizes that deprivations in basic freedoms of this type are associated    not only with shortfalls in income but also with systematic deprivations in    access to other goods, services and resources necessary for human survival and    development as well as with interpersonal and contextual variables. <a href="#nt26"><sup>26</sup></a><a name="tx26"></a>    </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> The UNDP's Human Poverty Index (HPI) for example,    is an average of three measures of deprivation: vulnerability to death, deprivation    in knowledge and lack of decent living standards. <a href="#nt27"><sup>27</sup></a><a name="tx27"></a></font></p>     <p><b><font face="Verdana" size="2"> I.A.3. Social exclusion </font></b></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2">In the 1970s the concept of social exclusion    came into the literature to analyze the condition of those who are not necessarily    income-poor &#150;though many are too- but who are kept out of the mainstream    of society. <a href="#nt28"><sup>28</sup></a><a name="tx28"></a> The European    Foundation described it as "the process through which individuals or groups    are wholly or partially excluded from full participation in the society in which    they live". <a href="#nt29"><sup>29</sup></a><a name="tx29"></a> In the HPI,    the indicator for social exclusion is unemployment and it is exclusively measured    in industrialized countries.</font></p>     <p><b><font face="Verdana" size="2"><i> I.B. The concept of human rights </i></font></b></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2">Another difficulty when trying to clarify the    links between poverty and human rights is the confusion between referring to    human rights in the moral or in the legal sense. This is of the outmost importance    for human rights practioners. Although the rhetoric of human rights is very    powerful, most of their work is based on emphasizing the legally binding obligations    of states and other actors regarding international human rights law. However,    the human rights movement is much broader than the international legal arena.    There is an increasing trend to use human rights language as a legitimating    moral discourse that evokes universality and consensus of fundamental values    among otherwise competing traditions on a shared minimum standard of human dignity.    <a href="#nt30"><sup>30</sup></a><a name="tx30"></a> </font></p>     ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> Although both notions of human rights can coexist    in harmony, it is clear that the consequences of calling poverty a violation    of human rights in the moral or in the legal sense are different. The discrepancies    are often recalled with regard to economic and social rights discussions, mainly    because of the well known position of the USA and other international actors    who haven't accepted economic and social rights as legally binding rights, despite    the several international declarations of the indivisibility of all human rights    and the legally binding Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ESCR)    among other legally binding instruments. However, most of the institutions and    states that do not accept such legally binding obligations do not deny the morality    of these claims as ethical entitlements of all civilized members of the community.    <a href="#nt31"><sup>31</sup></a><a name="tx31"></a> </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> While poverty can not be seen as a denial of    economic and social rights exclusively (because also civil and political rights    are compromised), its connection with human rights is mainly addressed through    them. As a consequence, the discussions about whether economic and social rights    create legal or moral obligations are particularly relevant to the poverty and    human rights discussion. Unfortunately this is not always clear in the positions    of those who worked on the issue, particularly in the UN context. Those positions    often mix political declarations with legal binding norms when referring to    the links between poverty and human rights, creating more confusion than clarification.    <a href="#nt32"><sup>32</sup></a><a name="tx32"></a> </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> Thus, it is important to keep in mind that confusion    when analyzing the different approaches to poverty as a human rights violation.    In my analysis, I will always refer to human rights in the legal sense, as a    set of internationally legally binding norms based on international treaties    as well as agreed and/or authorized interpretations of those instruments. </font></p>     <p>&nbsp; </p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="3"><b> II. The link between poverty and human rights:    three conceptual frameworks </b></font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2">When experts and scholars refer to links between    poverty and human rights, they hardly ever refer to poverty as exclusively "lack    of income", but to a complex concept of poverty which also involves "capability    deprivation". This is so because the 'capability approach' is widely recognized    as the conceptual "bridge"between poverty and human rights, since it incorporates    new variables to economics that reflect the intrinsic and instrumental value    of fundamental freedoms and human rights. <a href="#nt33"><sup>33</sup></a><a name="tx33"></a>    </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> While exploring the literature on poverty and    human rights, I found different approaches that can roughly be classified into    three conceptual frameworks. One is to consider poverty <i>per se</i> as a violation    of all or several human rights. The second is to consider freedom from poverty    as an independent human right. Finally, poverty is seen as a cause or consequence    of the violation of some human rights. These three approaches are not incompatible.    In fact, sometimes they overlap. However, there are clear differences among    them, especially in relation to the legal obligations of states and other actors.    Thus, for the sake of conceptual clarity, I have considered it useful to divide    their analysis into three categories.</font></p>     <p><b><font face="Verdana" size="2"><i> II.A. Poverty itself as a denial (or violation)    of human rights </i></font></b></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2">This approach sees poverty as incompatible with    human dignity. Given that human dignity is the foundation for human rights,    poverty is therefore a denial of all human rights. In Mary Robinson's words:    </font></p>     <blockquote>        ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><i>&#91;e&#93;xtreme poverty to me is the greatest      denial of the exercise of human rights. You don't vote, you don't participate      in any political activity, your views aren't listened to, you have no food,      you have no shelter, your children are dying of preventable diseases - you      don't even have the right to clean water. It's a denial of the dignity and      worth of each individual which is what the universal declaration proclaims.      <a href="#nt34"><sup>34</sup></a><a name="tx34"></a> </i></font></p> </blockquote>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2">The UNDP has also followed this approach, stating    that "&#91;p&#93;<i>overty is a denial of human rights' </i>and that the "<i>elimination    of poverty should be addressed as a basic entitlement and a human right &#150;    not merely as an act of charity</i>". <a href="#nt35"><sup>35</sup></a><a name="tx35"></a>    </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> The most developed version of this approach    was done by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR); so    I will concentrate my analysis in their account of this approach. "Poverty can    be defined equivalently as either the failure of basic freedoms &#150; from    the perspective of capabilities- or the non-fulfillment of rights to those freedoms    &#150; from the perspective of human rights."<a href="#nt36"><sup>36</sup></a><a name="tx36"></a>    However, according to the OHCHR non-fulfillment of human rights constitutes    poverty only when: </font></p>     <blockquote>        <p><font face="Verdana" size="2">&#149; The human rights involved are those      that correspond to the capabilities that are considered <i>basic</i> by a      given society; and </font>    <br>     <font face="Verdana" size="2">&#149; Inadequate command over economic resources      plays a role in the causal chain leading to the non-fulfillment of human rights.      <a href="#nt37"><sup>37</sup></a><a name="tx37"></a> </font></p> </blockquote>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2">The OHCHR argues that the widespread use of Sen's    "capability approach"is an appropriate conceptualization of poverty from a human    rights perspective and that there is a "<i>natural transition from capabilities    to rights</i>". <a href="#nt38"><sup>38</sup></a><a name="tx38"></a> The focus    on <i>human freedom</i> is the common element that links the two approaches    according to them. <a href="#nt39"><sup>39</sup></a><a name="tx39"></a> They    explain that under the capability approach, poverty is "the <i>failure of basic    capabilities</i> to reach certain minimally acceptable levels"<a href="#nt40"><sup>40</sup></a><a name="tx40"></a>    and it is also "the absence or <i>inadequate realization of certain basic freedoms</i>".    <a href="#nt41"><sup>41</sup></a><a name="tx41"></a> Under this explanation,    it would seem logical to assume "<i>basic capabilities</i>"and "<i>basic freedoms</i>"as    equivalent terms<i>.</i> Consequently, being freedom the common element that    links the two approaches, there is a conceptual equivalence between <i>basic    freedoms</i> (or <i>basic capabilities</i>) and <i>rights,</i> according to    them. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> I find some difficulties in this theoretical    correspondence. First, the concept of basic capabilities is contingent (i.e.    what is basic in one society may not be basic in another), while human rights    are not. Second, the content of each basic capability is also contingent (i.e.    what is basic shelter in one society may be less or more than basic in another),    while international human rights law and jurisprudence is defining universal    minimum core content of rights. <a href="#nt42"><sup>42</sup></a><a name="tx42"></a>    I will analyze those difficulties in more detail bellow. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> According to the OHCHR "since poverty denotes    an <i>extreme</i> form of deprivation, only those capability failures would    count as poverty that are deemed to be <i>basic</i> in some order of priority".    <a href="#nt43"><sup>43</sup></a><a name="tx43"></a> The OHCHR argues that different    communities may <i>of course</i> have a different understanding of what would    qualify as "basic"capabilities. <a href="#nt44"><sup>44</sup></a><a name="tx44"></a>    There is a tension here with the human rights discourse which jeopardizes the    alleged conceptual equivalence. The "capability set"that each society will list    as basic can't be equivalent to human rights; because the universality of the    catalogue of human rights is beyond any political discussion and communities    preferences. The OHCHR implicitly recognize this conflict arguing that although    there is some degree of relativity in the concept of poverty; from empirical    observation it is possible to identify certain basic capabilities that would    be common to all. <a href="#nt45"><sup>45</sup></a><a name="tx45"></a> But still    here there is a conceptual pitfall, because the human rights discourse does    not claim universality based on an empirical observation but rather on a moral    and legal imperative. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> Anticipating some of these criticisms, the OHCHR    argues that the human rights definition of a social phenomenon does not need    to be made in reference to all human rights in order not to violate the principle    of indivisibility. <a href="#nt46"><sup>46</sup></a><a name="tx46"></a> Thus,    the characterization of poverty does not necessarily have to include all human    rights to be compatible with the indivisibility of these rights. This is perfectly    logical. But this is precisely another reason to avoid considering the concept    of <i>basic capabilities</i> as equivalent to the notion of <i>human rights</i>.    </font></p>     ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> In my opinion, the proposed conceptual equivalence    between <i>basic capabilities</i> and <i>human rights</i> is both inaccurate    and too risky. Having a contingent definition of the basic capabilities that    constitute poverty is acceptable. However once you have entered into the human    rights discourse, the catalogue of rights is not contingent upon different community    preferences, life styles or resources. If what is deemed "basic"in one society    is not "basic"in another, then it is too risky to make this contingent concept    of "basic capabilities"equivalent to human rights without further clarification.    </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> My second concern with the proposed conceptual    equivalence refers to the definition of the content of basic capabilities and    human rights. According to the OHCHR the capability approach "people living    in different cultural environments might feel that they need different amounts    of clothing in order to have the capability to be clothed at a minimally acceptable    level &#91;...&#93; It would, therefore, be a mistake to define and measure    poverty in terms of a uniformly low level of command over economic resources,    when the fundamental concern is with a person's capabilities". <a href="#nt47"><sup>47</sup></a><a name="tx47"></a>    The human rights movement is, on the other hand, struggling to define and create    consensus on the <i>minimum core content</i> of economic and social rights.    The using of this relative concept of basic capabilities as equivalent to human    rights may be counterproductive in this attempt. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> In this respect, the OHCHR argue that while    the human rights approach imposes an obligation on duty-holders to work towards    poverty reduction, it does not make the unreasonable demand that all human rights    must be realized immediately, but progressively and subject to the availability    of resources. Accordingly, the precise obligations arising from some human rights    vary over time in relation to the same State (progressive realization) and from    one State to another (because of differing resource availability). </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> Although this is true, I still find a conceptual    difficulty here. There is a difference between the <i>content </i>of a human    right and the<i> obligations</i> that arise for the State. The concept of progressive    realization does not mean that the content of the rights are variable. The rights    have different components, some of them characterized as "minimum core content",    which are defined as the "minimum essential levels of each right"<a href="#nt48"><sup>48</sup></a><a name="tx48"></a>    and which constitute the nature or essence of the right. This minimum core content    must be immediately ensured by each state party of the ICESCR. <a href="#nt49"><sup>49</sup></a><a name="tx49"></a>    However, all the components of the right are important and the ultimate goal    is full implementation. This is why states have <i>progressive obligations</i>    towards the full realization of the right. Those progressive obligations are    the ones that may vary from state to state. However, the nature and core content    of the rights are not contingent upon a state's resources nor do they vary within    or between states as suggested. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> My view is that this valuable intent to close    the gap between the language of both movements goes too far and can be counterproductive    for the claim of universality and equal enforceability of economic, social and    cultural rights. "From the human rights perspective, it is of the outmost importance    to clarify (vague) treaty norms in order to make clear to governments and other    actors involved the precise meaning of treaty obligations."<a href="#nt50"><sup>50</sup></a><a name="tx50"></a>    Linking human rights with an essentially contingent concept of 'basic capability'    without further clarification seems to move exactly in the opposite direction.    As we will see bellow (in II.B.2.3: Poverty as the violation of the right to    an adequate standard of living), there is another possible way of linking capabilities    and human rights without compromising human rights law developments towards    clarification of state obligations and instead strengthening that effort.</font></p>     <p><b><font face="Verdana" size="2"><i> II.B. A human right to be free from poverty    </i></font></b></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2">This proposal comes from the idea that poverty    is a distinct violation of one specific human right, the 'right to be free from    poverty'. This is the main thesis underlying UNESCO's draft document "<i>Abolishing    Poverty Through the International Human Rights Framework</i>". <a href="#nt51"><sup>51</sup></a><a name="tx51"></a>    Although it is very similar to the previous paradigm, the main difference is    that here poverty is not considered the denial of all or several human rights    but the violation of <i>one specific human right</i>. It is different from the    third conceptual framework as well, since the latest considers poverty as a    <i>cause</i> or as a <i>resul</i>t of human rights violations, while here poverty    is<i> itself </i>the human right violation. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> This proposal focuses on the so called <i>absolute    (or extreme) poverty, </i>defined as a deprivation of what is required to live    a life that is worth living. <a href="#nt52"><sup>52</sup></a><a name="tx52"></a>    In this sense, it expounds that everyone has the right to the means of basic    subsistence. In this approach, the moral claim is clearly differentiated from    the legal claim; so I will analyze them separately.</font></p>     <p><b><font face="Verdana" size="2"> II.B.1. Freedom from poverty as a moral human    right </font></b></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2">Vizard argues that many influential political    theories -both in the libertarian and the liberal traditions- failed to include    poverty in the characterization of human rights. <a href="#nt53"><sup>53</sup></a><a name="tx53"></a>    According to her, such theories have searched for impartiality in ethics (as    a response to the relativist critique) and claimed to be independent from any    conception of good or from any particular view of the ends freedom can serve.    They have built an exclusively negative theory of freedoms and human rights.    Although freedom from poverty could fit within a theory of negative freedom    (e.g. Pogge's thesis explained below), traditionally it was rejected, basically    because the theory was extended to necessarily require negative obligations    of non-intervention and non-interference, while freedom from poverty also requires    positive freedoms. <a href="#nt54"><sup>54</sup></a><a name="tx54"></a> This    is clearly the basis upon which was built the categorical differentiation between    civil and political rights (the so called negative-rights) and economic and    social rights (or so called positive-rights). </font></p>     ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> The liberal tradition very much influenced human    rights practice and theory, and it is not surprising that poverty was conceived,    in the best case scenario, as a national problem of social injustice but not    as a violation of universal human rights. However, liberalism is not the unique    philosophical foundation of human rights. Indeed, it is not possible to find    one specific philosophical foundation of human rights. Not even its cornerstone,    the universal Declaration of Human Rights, has an unique philosophical foundation    because it was the result of a political compromise not a self-evident truth.    <a href="#nt55"><sup>55</sup></a><a name="tx55"></a> However, the influence    of the liberal tradition in the human rights discourse can not be denied. In    this sense, the theories grouped here are of utmost importance to contest the    liberal assumptions related to poverty and to advocate the inclusion of freedom    from poverty as a fundamental human rights concern. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> In this context, Pogge's thesis in <i>World    Poverty and Human Rights</i> is a major attempt to move this debate forward,    locating his theory within the traditional liberal idea of negative obligations.    In this collection, including several of his essays on global justice, he argues    in favor of a <i>moral human right that everyone has to a standard of living    adequate for health and well being</i>. <a href="#nt56"><sup>56</sup></a><a name="tx56"></a>    He goes further to give meaning to this right, positing that governments and    citizens of affluent democracies have a <i>negative duty</i> towards the global    poor, namely a duty not to uphold a global structure that violates human rights.    <a href="#nt57"><sup>57</sup></a><a name="tx57"></a> Pogge contests Rawls&acute;    thesis that equality is a political demand that only applies to the Nation State,    <a href="#nt58"><sup>58</sup></a><a name="tx58"></a> arguing that the global    order in which all national governments participate, along with international    and supranational institutions, generates injustice. <a href="#nt59"><sup>59</sup></a><a name="tx59"></a>    Indeed, he argues that poverty in developing countries cannot be seen as disconnected    from industrialized countries' affluence. <a href="#nt60"><sup>60</sup></a><a name="tx60"></a>    </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> Amartya Sen has also contributed to the debates    in ethics and political theory to overcome the theoretical obstacles to viewing    global poverty as a violation of human rights. <a href="#nt61"><sup>61</sup></a><a name="tx61"></a>    His 'capability approach' departs from many other frameworks and moves beyond    Rawls position in many ways. <a href="#nt62"><sup>62</sup></a><a name="tx62"></a>    Particularly relevant here is that Sen, unlike Pogge, contests the liberal assumption    that freedoms only imply negative obligations. Sen builds a broad theory that    incorporates positive obligations of assistance and aid towards the global poor    and supports a sub-class of fundamental freedoms and human rights that focuses    directly on the valuable things that people can do and be. <a href="#nt63"><sup>63</sup></a><a name="tx63"></a>    </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> Both Pogge and Sen have developed political    and moral theories that include freedom from poverty as a major human rights    concern. There is not doubt that those theories will have a major impact in    the development of a legal human right to be free from poverty in the future.    Especially since, as I will argue in the following section, the legal human    right to be free from poverty needs further development.</font></p>     <p><b><font face="Verdana" size="2"> II.B.2. Freedom from poverty as a legal human    right </font></b></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2">Because the "<i>right to be free from poverty</i>"is    not recognized as such in international human rights law; the legal dimension    of this approach is built from one or several legally binding obligations that    have already been recognized in international human rights law. There are several    versions of this approach that I will summarize bellow. On the one hand, those    who build a right to be free from <i>extreme</i> poverty with <i>several</i>    already recognized human rights law obligations (see II.B.2.1). On the other    hand, those who argue that the right to be free from poverty is the logic flip    side of the <i>right to an adequate standard of living</i> (see II.B.2.2) or    the <i>right to development</i> (see II.B.2.3). <a href="#nt64"><sup>64</sup></a><a name="tx64"></a></font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><i> II.B.2.1. A legal human right to be free    from extreme poverty </i></font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2">The former UN Independent Expert for Human Rights    and Extreme Poverty argued that poverty is not to be defined as the absence    of human rights, as these two concepts are not equivalent (this position will    be analyzed in the third approach, poverty as a cause or consequence of human    rights violation). However, when the analysis is narrowed to extreme poverty,    he argues that there is a legally binding obligation upon states to end poverty.    <a href="#nt65"><sup>65</sup></a><a name="tx65"></a> This is why his position    towards <i>extreme </i>poverty will be analyzed under this second approach.    </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> Extreme poverty is extreme deprivation of income,    capabilities and social exclusion. <a href="#nt66"><sup>66</sup></a><a name="tx66"></a>    By narrowing the analysis, he is trying to constrict the number of people involved    in the concept, with a pragmatic view. <a href="#nt67"><sup>67</sup></a><a name="tx67"></a>    According to him, the international community will be more willing to accept    this binding obligation if there is a more manageable number of people (the    extremely poor), who are clearly and demonstrably most vulnerable to suffering    from all forms of deprivation. <a href="#nt68"><sup>68</sup></a><a name="tx68"></a>    He strengthens his position arguing that the denials related to extreme poverty    are easily identified with already recognized human rights law obligations <a href="#nt69"><sup>69</sup></a><a name="tx69"></a>    and that poverty eradication procedures would qualify as customary law. <a href="#nt70"><sup>70</sup></a><a name="tx70"></a>    "Removing conditions of extreme poverty then should be treated as a 'core' obligation    which should be realized immediately and not subjected to progressive realization."<a href="#nt71"><sup>71</sup></a><a name="tx71"></a>    </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> Although very appealing, I find this position    problematic from a human rights perspective because there is an assumption that    although many human rights of poor people are being denied or violated, to achieve    results it is necessary to make a compromise. Thus, to convince the international    community (which is a euphemism for donor-countries) to accept this legally    binding obligation, he is prepared to "leave outside the deal"a group of people    who are also suffering human rights violations. This is problematic in two senses.    First, because it is far from clear that by reducing the number of people involved    in the concept of a human right violation, governments will be more willing    to accept their obligations. In fact in the same report the Independent Expert    recognizes that the main reason why poverty eradication programs have not been    adopted is that countries have shown no political will and because of groups    pressing for competing objectives. <a href="#nt72"><sup>72</sup></a><a name="tx72"></a>    Second, I agree that poverty reduction strategies need to involve tradeoffs    and the human rights movement should acknowledge this. However, I think it is    unacceptable if the tradeoffs are made in a normative claim such as here. It    is acceptable to recognize the need to prioritize when allocating resources    as a matter of policy, but it is unacceptable to make the definition of a human    rights violation dependant on this tradeoff. Even in the hypothesis that his    definition of extreme poverty is accurate from a human rights perspective, I    do not think it is acceptable to justify a normative claim for doubtful pragmatic    reasons. </font></p>     ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> I am not convinced by the idea that the best    way to eradicate poverty, and the human rights violations connected to it, is    to establish a new definition of poverty. I agree that making a human rights    claim and defining legally binding obligations for states and other actors is    desirable and a compelling resource to the fight against poverty. However, I    think what is needed here is conceptual clarity of the links between two already    developed fields and not a re-definition of them.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><i> II.B.2.2. Poverty as the violation of the    right to development </i></font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2">In a recent paper, Sengupta <a href="#nt73"><sup>73</sup></a><a name="tx73"></a>    argued in favor of considering poverty as a violation of the human right to    development. That right has been recognized by the international community in    the 1986 UN Declaration on the Right to Development and in the Vienna Declaration    of 1993, but it has not been codified in a legally binding document. <a href="#nt74"><sup>74</sup></a><a name="tx74"></a>    "This is the <i>right to a process of development</i> in which all human rights    and fundamental freedoms are realized, and is seen as an evolving social arrangement    and international order that facilitates the realization of, and actually realizes    in a progressive manner, all those rights."<a href="#nt75"><sup>75</sup></a><a name="tx75"></a>    In this definition, the right to development is a human right in itself but    it is also a composite right, constituted by other human rights that form the    core of its content. Thus, "the composite right improves, that is, is increasingly    realized, if some rights are improved, but no right regresses or is violated".    <a href="#nt76"><sup>76</sup></a><a name="tx76"></a> </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> This last characteristic of the right to development    is viewed as the comparative advantage of recognizing poverty as a violation    of a specific but complex human right. It helps to determine that the right    to development is violated when some of the component rights have regressed    or deteriorated. At the same time, it avoids defining poverty in unreasonably    large human rights terms (i.e. like a violation of all human rights), making    the claim virtually useless. Lastly, the obligation of the duty-holder (which    is to undertake a development policy that will progressively realize the component    rights without regressing any of them) is realizable in a progressive way and    it is more clearly identifiable. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> Although this is a very compelling argument,    the problems with this position are straight forward. It is already difficult    to reach international consensus regarding the scope, core content and nature    of many economic and social rights which are codified in international human    rights law and have monitoring bodies which are slowly building their substance.    It is therefore much more difficult to make the case for the right to development,    a discussion which is not without difficulties in the international community    and has been extremely politicized. However, it is clear that there is a right    to development recognized in international human rights law and; given that    in the future agreement is reached about its scope, clear obligations, duty    bearers and duty holders this approach has an important potential to explain    the link between poverty and human rights.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><i> II.B.2.3. Poverty as the violation of the    right to an adequate standard of living </i></font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2">Vizard also makes a legal claim about poverty    as a human rights violation. <a href="#nt77"><sup>77</sup></a><a name="tx77"></a>    Her work is a valuable and useful attempt to justify a legally binding obligation    on states and other actors to eradicate poverty. According to her, the capability    approach provides a framework in which "the capability to achieve a standard    of living adequate for survival and development- including adequate nutrition,    safe water and sanitation, shelter and housing, access to basic health and social    services and education- is characterized as a basic human right that governments    and other actors have individual and collective obligations to defend and support".    <a href="#nt78"><sup>78</sup></a><a name="tx78"></a> </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> She justifies a broad conception of legal human    rights that takes into account global poverty in several international norms,    <a href="#nt79"><sup>79</sup></a><a name="tx79"></a> as well as regional and    national ones. She also points to authoritative international standards and    other "soft law"principles. Vizard claims that the capability approach can be    used as a conceptual framework by international human rights law practitioners    to deal with the complexities of poverty and its implications for the enjoyment    of human rights. <a href="#nt80"><sup>80</sup></a><a name="tx80"></a> She reinforces    this claim pointing out eight correlations between the "capability approach"and    evolving standards in international human rights law and jurisprudence. <a href="#nt81"><sup>81</sup></a><a name="tx81"></a>    </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> Unlike the paper of the OHCHR discussed in chapter    II.A, she concedes that her proposal is not a <i>necessary</i> consequence of    the 'capability approach' and that Sen himself has often downplayed the necessity    of international human rights law in codifying and reinforcing human rights.    <a href="#nt82"><sup>82</sup></a><a name="tx82"></a> Acknowledging that the    'capability approach' is substantially incomplete and that it can be consistent    and combinable with several different theories of value, she proposes to use    international human rights law and standards as a <i>background theory</i>.    <a href="#nt83"><sup>83</sup></a><a name="tx83"></a> The practical consequences    of this proposal would be to give to the contingent concept of 'basic capabilities    set' a normative background. In this way, both the list of basic capabilities    and their content would have universality through international human rights    norms. If this proposal is adopted, the list of basic capabilities will not    be contingent upon different states preferences any more but will be specified    by the human rights catalogue which is binding on that state. The content of    those basic capabilities in turn, will be specified by international human rights    law standards. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> I believe that this is a very attractive proposal    and one that should be developed forward. However, the obvious difficulty here    is that the set of standards and indicators to measure state compliance in relation    to economic and social rights, which are necessary to give universal content    to some basic capabilities, is notably underdeveloped. The political and ideological    reasons for this reality have been pointed out several times, just as the different    intellectual "obstacles"to give these rights full enforceability have also been    successfully contested. <a href="#nt84"><sup>84</sup></a><a name="tx84"></a>    However, given the current state of affairs, it is unfortunately an underdeveloped    field. Vizard's proposal thought, could be instrumental in putting pressure    on the monitoring bodies and other relevant actors to fully develop clear standards    and indicators. Another issue to be developed further in this theory is the    link of poverty with the violation of several civil and political rights. </font></p>     ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> Vizard&acute;s work is addressed to human rights    and development communities. She highlights that international human rights    law and the "capability approach"have complementary and reinforcing elements    and that these elements provide the basis for a cross-disciplinary framework    for analyzing poverty as a human rights issue. I believe she provides an important    framework and conceptual clarity to the actual links between the idea of a "basic    capability set", international human rights law and international machinery    for monitoring and enforcement. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> This is particularly important for the human    rights community. It should be acknowledged that one of the main difficulties    for human rights specialists is the lack of analytical tools to deal with complicated    policy questions related to social and economic rights. Such questions call    for interdisciplinary work, incorporating notions of economics, sociology and    public policy into a human rights analysis. In this respect, Vizard&acute;s    monograph is an important conceptual work for human rights practitioners, which    helps to understand how to apply some basic economic concepts.</font></p>     <p><b><font face="Verdana" size="2"><i> II.C. Poverty as a cause or consequence    of human rights denials (or violations) </i></font></b></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2">This third conceptual approach conceives poverty    as the cause of many human rights violations, mainly economic and social rights,    but also civil and political rights. The difference with the first approach    is that poverty is not considered <i>a priori</i> a human rights violation but    a <i>cause</i> of human rights violations (because it socially excludes a group    of people whose human rights are then systematically violated). Neither is it    considered a necessary result of human rights violations, pointing out however    that some human rights violations lead to poverty. <a href="#nt85"><sup>85</sup></a><a name="tx85"></a>    The difference with the second approach on the other hand; is that poverty is    not the violation of <i>one human right</i> such as the right to development;    the right to an adequate standard of living or a combination of several others;    but as a factual situation that may cause or be the result of several human    rights violations. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> The Vienna Declaration has characterized <i>extreme    poverty as a violation of human dignity</i> <a href="#nt86"><sup>86</sup></a><a name="tx86"></a>    but avoided calling it a violation of human rights, arguably because of the    reluctance of governments to accept legal responsibility. <a href="#nt87"><sup>87</sup></a><a name="tx87"></a>    It observes that the "existence of widespread extreme poverty inhibits the full    and effective enjoyment of human rights". <a href="#nt88"><sup>88</sup></a><a name="tx88"></a>    </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> It seems that poverty is conceptualized as a    situation where human rights are unlikely to be fulfilled and the fight against    poverty as a beneficial atmosphere to the achievement of human rights. However    poverty is not <i>per se</i> a violation of human rights, since there are several    conceptual steps before naming poverty as a human rights violation. Philip Alston    for example, considers that poverty is a violation of human rights only: </font></p>     <blockquote>        <p><font face="Verdana" size="2">&#149; to the extent that a government or other      relevant actor has failed to take measures that would have been feasible ("to      the maximum of its available resources", as the language of the ICESCR puts      it); and    <br>     </font><font face="Verdana" size="2">&#149; where those measures could have      had the effect of avoiding or mitigating the plight in which an individual      living in poverty finds him or herself. <a href="#nt89"><sup>89</sup></a><a name="tx89"></a>      </font></p> </blockquote>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2">In a similar vein, the former UN Independent    Expert on Human Rights and Extreme Poverty argued that poverty cannot be defined    as the absence of human rights as these two concepts are not equivalent. <a href="#nt90"><sup>90</sup></a><a name="tx90"></a>    According to him, the link between the two concepts is not straight forward,    since the space of 'capability' (the denial of which constitutes poverty) is    much broader than human rights. <a href="#nt91"><sup>91</sup></a><a name="tx91"></a>    Poverty can be alleviated and human rights still violated. However, if human    rights are realized there may not be any poverty. <a href="#nt92"><sup>92</sup></a><a name="tx92"></a>    He suggested that it would be more accurate to consider poverty eradication    as playing an <i>instrumental role</i> in creating conditions of well-being    for the rights holder <a href="#nt93"><sup>93</sup></a><a name="tx93"></a> He    pointed out that here the policy discussion will be centered on the fulfillment    of those rights that may or may not be sufficient to eradicate poverty. He defended    this proposition arguing that "&#91;i&#93;t can be demonstrated, both empirically    and logically, that a violation of human rights would cause and be instrumental    in creating a state of poverty". <a href="#nt94"><sup>94</sup></a><a name="tx94"></a>    Thus, there are several steps from denial to violation: <a href="#nt95"><sup>95</sup></a><a name="tx95"></a>    </font></p>     ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<blockquote>        <p><font face="Verdana" size="2">&#149; First, identify concrete programs of      action that are technically possible and institutionally viable (such as resource      constraints and rules of international transactions). </font>    <br>     <font face="Verdana" size="2">&#149; Second, identify duty holders and their      specific duties, which if fully carried out would implement those programs      (even if they do not have direct responsibility for creating conditions of      poverty it would be possible to say that the duty bearers are violating their      obligations to fulfill the rights if there are feasible programs and they      are not implementing them). </font></p> </blockquote>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2">This position seems to be more realistic and    legally accurate than the two previous one. The complexities of the phenomenon    of poverty, especially the diverse causes which are not always within the state's    control, make it very difficult to assume that poverty implies human rights    violations without further inquiries. It is clear that civil, political, economic    and social rights will not all be fulfilled in a poverty scenario. However,    with the present development of international human rights law and standards,    it seems reasonable to require empirical and analytical evidence to establish    that one specific deprivation, which is clearly characterized as poverty, is    at the same time a human rights violation. The analytical effort needed is to    prove that the state had violated a concrete human rights obligation that was    feasible and could have had a positive impact. </font></p>     <p>&nbsp; </p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="3"><b> Conclusion </b></font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2">The different approaches summarized in this paper    share the conviction that poverty is not only a deprivation of economic or material    resources but also a violation of human dignity too. In that respect, it is    indisputable that there are links between human rights violations and the complex    social, cultural, political and economic aspects of the phenomenon of poverty.    As a consequence, the development and the human rights field are beginning to    overlap. For moral, legal and practical reasons that are beyond the scope of    this paper; there is a consensus between the different conceptual frameworks    analyzed here that a rights-based approach to poverty reduction is the best    way of approaching the issue and will reinforce the fight against poverty in    many significant ways. That is the main rationale behind the UN efforts to mainstream    human rights into all their activities, particularly in the work of development    agencies. With different degrees of success, ranging from UNDP unconditional    adherence to this principle to IMF absolute ignorance, it is true that the discussion    is alive and many interesting conclusions have been reached. In particular,    the OHCHR <i>Draft Guidelines</i> <a href="#nt96"><sup>96</sup></a><a name="tx96"></a>    and a recent UNDP work on indicators, <a href="#nt97"><sup>97</sup></a><a name="tx97"></a>    as well as the work of several scholars, are important efforts to give concrete    shape and guidelines to the claims of a human-rights based approach to development.    </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> However, it is less clear what the implications    for human rights practioners of this human rights-based approach to development    are. There is still a lack of clarity on basic conceptual notions relating to    human rights violations which are somehow related or caused by poverty. As stated    in this paper, this was mainly due to a political bias of the human rights community,    exacerbated by Cold-War false dichotomy between civil and political rights on    the one hand, and economic and social rights on the other. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> Thus, there is a compelling need to develop    analytical and strategic materials that will link the phenomenon of poverty    to human rights violations. This is especially important for human rights practitioners    that takes the indivisibility of rights seriously and have empirical evidence    of the range of human rights violations that people living in poverty suffer    in a disproportionate way, compared to those who are not living in poverty.    From that point of view; this paper summarized three different approaches that    explain the link between poverty and human rights. They were critically analyzed    not only according to their conceptual accuracy from a human rights law perspective;    but taking into account how useful they are for human rights practitioners.    </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> In my view, the first one is the least accurate    and helpful; i.e. to consider poverty as a <i>per se</i> violation of human    rights. It contains the risk of oversimplifying the issue and loosing clarity    and impact in the attempt to link both fields. In the current state of affairs    the third approach, which is to consider poverty as a cause of human rights    violations, seems to be the safest and clearest. It does not require further    elaboration by the international community given the consensus that has been    expressed, at least rhetorically, many times. It also presents challenging questions    such as defining clear obligations of duty holders, and presents an opportunity    to further develop indicators, standards and other analytical tools to measure    the compliance of obligations regarding economic and social rights. However,    the second approach -to consider poverty as the violation of one specific human    right- is normatively feasible and is the most ambitious. Among the different    proposals, I believe Vizard's effort to conceptualize poverty as the violation    of the human right to an adequate standard of living is the most powerful and    promising one. In this respect, since human rights law is an evolving discipline    and the human rights movement was effective and powerful in setting far reaching    goals that will push the social change forward, this is an approach that should    be developed and which the human rights movement should pay attention to. </font></p>     ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> More research needs to be done. In particular,    some of the questions on definition of legal obligations, duty-holder and duty-bearer    need to be answered. Also, whether there is a right to a particular action or    to a reasonable policy and how that reasonableness should be defined. Moreover,    we need to scrutinize whether the traditional human rights outcome-focus policy    analysis needs to be revisited, particularly when a reasonable policy is not    producing the fulfillment of human rights because of other social (or international)    arrangements, which are outside the state's control. Finally, the donor-countries,    intergovernmental agencies and private actors all have strong influence in the    efforts to eradicate poverty and in associated policy decisions and their responsibility    needs to be address. As such a central issue is to develop the nature of their    obligations. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> In today's world, the human rights movement    is risking its credibility and moral strength if it fails to take account of    the suffering of millions of people living in poverty and to name that suffering    as a human rights violation. Intellectual obstacles cannot be used as an excuse    anymore. The powerful human rights machinery needs to be put to the service    of those who are still waiting to be invited to the banquet of this opulent    world. </font></p>     <p>&nbsp;</p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="3"><b> BIBLIOGRAPHY </b></font></p>     <!-- ref --><p><font face="Verdana" size="2">Abramovich, V. &amp; Cortis, C. <b>Los Derechos    Sociales como Derechos Exigibles</b>. Buenos Aires: Trotta Ed., 255 p., 2002.        </font></p>     <!-- ref --><p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> ACNUDH. <b>Draft guidelines: A Human Rights    Approach to Poverty Reduction Strategies</b>, Genebra, 2002. Dispon&iacute;vel    em: &lt;<a href="http://www.unhchr.ch/development/povertyfinal.html" target="_blank">www.unhchr.ch/development/povertyfinal.html</a>&gt;.    Acesso em: ago. de 2008.     </font></p>     <!-- ref --><p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> Allen, T. &amp; Thomas, A. (eds.). <b>Poverty    and Development into the 21 st Century</b> .Oxford: Oxford University Press,    2000.     </font></p>     ]]></body>
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<body><![CDATA[<!-- ref --><p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> Vizard , P. <b>Poverty and human rights, Sen's    capability perspective explored. </b> Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006.        </font></p>     <p>&nbsp;</p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="3"><b>NOTES</b></font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt1"></a><a href="#tx1">1</a>.</b>    The present paper was first written as a directed research project undertaken    under the supervision of Professor Philip Alston in his seminar "Human Rights    Accountability"at New York University Law School, in August 2006. I would like    to thank professor Alston for his guidance and support. The present version    was corrected after the insightful comments of Maria Juarez, Andrew Hudson and    Eitan Felner, to whom I would also like to thank. Especial thanks to Gabriel    Pereira, for his support and encouragement and for being a constant inspiration    and to my colleagues from ANDHES, who teach me every day the value of human    rights militancy with commitment and professionalism. As it is usually said,    all the views expressed are my exclusive responsibility. Please send comments    to <a href="mailto:fernandadozcosta@hotmail.com">fernandadozcosta@hotmail.com</a>.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt2"></a><a href="#tx2">2</a>.</b>    From his book: GALEANO, Eduardo: Upside Down: A Primer for the Looking-Glass    World, New York: Metropolitan Books, 2000.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt3"></a><a href="#tx3">3</a>.</b>    Robinson, M. In: Vizard, P. <b>Poverty and human rights, sen's capability perspective    explored</b>. Oxford University Press, 2006, p. vi.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt4"></a><a href="#tx4">4</a>.</b>    Beetham, D. What Future for Economic and Social Rights?. <b>Political Studies    Association</b>, Sheffield v. XLIII, p. 41-60, 1995, p. 44. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt5"></a><a href="#tx5">5</a>.</b>    Sengupta, A. Poverty Eradication and Human Rights, In: <b>Freedom from poverty    as a human right &#150; Who owes what to the very poor?</b>. Pogge, T. (ed.).    Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2007<b>, </b>p. 323</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt6"></a><a href="#tx6">6</a>.</b>    Kunnemann, R. A coherent Approach to Human Rights. <b>Human Rights Quarterly</b>,    Baltimore, Maryland v. 17, 1995, p. 334.</font></p>     ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt7"></a><a href="#tx7">7</a>.</b>    Nelson, P. J.,<b>New rights advocacy: changing strategies of development and    human rights NGOs</b>, Washington DC: Georgetown University Press, 2008, p.    14.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt8"></a><a href="#tx8">8</a>.</b>    Vienna Declaration and Programmed of Action (U.N. GAOR). <b>World Conferences    on Human Rights</b>, 1993, UN DOC A/CONF.157/24. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt9"></a><a href="#tx9">9</a>.</b>    Resolutions of the Commission on Human Rights on Extreme Poverty: E/CN.4/RES/2004/23,    E/CN.4/RES/2003/24, E/CN.4/RES/2002/30, E/CN.4/RES/2000/12, E/CN.4/RES/1999/26,    E/CN.4/RES1998/25, E/CN.4/RES/1997/11, E/CN.4/RES1996/10, E/CN.4/RES1995/16,    E/CN.4/RES1994/12, E/CN.4/RES/1993/13, E/CN.4/RES/1992/11, E/CN.4/RES/1991/14,    E/CN.4/RES/1990/15, E/CN.4/RES/1989/10, E/CN.4/RES/1988/23. Relevant resolutions    of the General Assembly: A/RES/57/211, A/RES/53/146, A/RES/47/196, A/RES/46/121.    Cited in Vizard, supra note 2, FN 12.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt10"></a><a href="#tx10">10</a>.</b>    UNDP set the basis for conceptually linking human rights and poverty mainly    through <i>The Human Development Reports</i> (HDR), a series of independent    reports commissioned by the UNDP and written by experts. A second attempt n    the UN was made by the UN Commission on Human Rights who appointed an <i>independent    expert on the question of human rights and extreme poverty. </i>The position    was originally held by Ms. A. M. Lizin (Belgium), from April 1998 to July 2004.    Since 2004 is held by Mr. Arjun Sengupta (India), who was previously the UN    Independent Expert on the Right to Development from 1999 to 2004. This new expert    produced two interesting and much more sophisticated reports, which also tried    to fill the conceptual gap. On the other hand, in 2001, the Chairperson of the    United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights requested the    Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) to develop the "<i>Draft    guidelines: A Human Rights Approach to Poverty Reduction Strategies</i>", which    aim to provide practitioners involved in the design and implementation of poverty    reduction strategies (PRS) with operational guidelines for the adoption of a    human rights approach to poverty reduction. After their preparation, three experts    -Professors Paul Hunt, Manfred Nowak and Siddiq Osmani- prepared a <i>discussion    paper</i> that identified some of the key conceptual and practical issues which    arise from the application of human rights principles to poverty reduction strategies    ( Hunt, P., Nowak, M. &amp; Osmani, S. <b>Human Rights and Poverty Reduction,    a conceptual framework, </b>OHCHR, HR/PUB/04/1. 2004). Finally, UNESCO launched    a major project in 2001 called "<i>Poverty Dimensions Relatives to Ethics and    Human Rights: Towards a New Paradigm in the Fight Against Poverty</i>"(UNESCO.    <b>Poverty Dimensions Relatives to Ethics and Human Rights: Towards a New Paradigm    in the Fight Against Poverty</b>, 2001). The project is aimed at developing    the conceptual framework for the consideration of poverty as a human right violation    (a compilation of main papers discussed on that project were published: Pogge,    T. (ed.). <b>Freedom from poverty as a human right &#150; Who owes what to the    very poor?</b>. Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2007. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt11"></a><a href="#tx11">11</a>.</b>    In 1997 the Secretary-General designated human rights as a cross-cutting issue    in his reform programme (UNITED NATIONS Secretary-General. <b>Renewing the United    Nations: A Programme for Reform,</b> A/51/950, 14 July 1997. Available at: &lt;<a href="http://www.unhchr.ch/development/mainstreaming-01.html" target="_blank">http://www.unhchr.ch/development/mainstreaming-01.html</a>&gt;,    last access on August 2008 ). Mainstreaming human rights refers to the concept    of enhancing the human rights programme and integrating it into the broad range    of United Nations activities, also in the areas of development and humanitarian    action. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt12"></a><a href="#tx12">12</a>.</b>    UNITED NATIONS. The Human Rights Based Approach to Development: Towards a Common    Understanding Among UN Agencies. <b>Inter-Agency workshop on Human Rights Based    Approach in the context of UN Reform</b>, Stamford, May 5-7 2003.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt13"></a><a href="#tx13">13</a>.</b>    See for example "<i>Draft Guidelines: A Human Rights Approach to Poverty Reduction    Strategies</i>", prepared by Paul Hunt, Manfred Nowak and Siddiq Osmani for    the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR);    UNDP. <b>Indicators for human rights based approaches to development in UNDP    Programming: a user's guide</b>, Mar. 2006.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt14"></a><a href="#tx14">14</a>.</b>    Sengupta, A. <b>Poverty eradication and human rights</b>. UNESCO project entitled    "Ethical and human rights dimensions of poverty: towards a new paradigm in the    fight against poverty". Paper produced for a philosophy seminar, Sept. 2003,    New Delhi. Available at: &lt;<a href="http://www.hsph.harvard.edu/fxbcenter/No.20_Sengputa.pdf" target="_blank">http://www.hsph.harvard.edu/fxbcenter/No.20_Sengputa.pdf</a>&gt;.    Last access on: 18 Nov. 2008, p. 4.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt15"></a><a href="#tx15">15</a>.</b>    In the academic literature, although many scholars discussed the issue, there    are two main attempts to overcome this difficulty and to construct a coherent    theory of poverty and human rights. One was made by Thomas Pogge: Pogge, T.    <b>World Poverty and Human Rights: Cosmopolitan Responsibilities and Reforms</b>.    Cambridge, Polity Press, 2002. Pogge argues that Western government and citizens    have a negative duty to relieve the deplorable situation of the globally worst-off,    because they imposed a coercive global order that perpetuates severe poverty    for many who cannot resist this imposition, "depriving them of the objects of    their basic rights". The other attempt was made by Vizard, 2006.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2">In this book she analyses how Amartya Sen's work    advanced international thinking about global poverty and human rights. Her main    thesis in this respect is that Sen's development of the 'capability approach'    provides a framework in which the capability to achieve a standard of living    adequate for survival and development is characterized as a basic human right    that governments and other actors have individual and collective obligations    to defend.</font></p>     ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt16"></a><a href="#tx16">16</a>.</b>    For example the magazine The Economist have said that giving to economic and    social rights a similar status to civil and political ones would produce a "morally    distasteful"outcome because<i> "</i>some nations would be subject to condemnation    simply because of their poverty, while others would be arraigned for the policy    outcomes of decisions taken democratically". Righting wrongs. <b>The Economist</b>,    London, 16 August 2001. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt17"></a><a href="#tx17">17</a>.</b>    Marks, S.P. The Human Rights Framework for Development: Seven Approaches. In:    BASU, M., NEGI, A. &amp; Sengupta (eds.). <b>Reflections on the Right to Development</b>.    New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2005, pp. 23-60. Available at: &lt;<b><a href="http://www.hsph.harvard.edu/fxbcenter" target="_blank">http://www.hsph.harvard.edu/fxbcenter</a></b>&gt;.    Last access on August 2006.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2">See also Alston, P. Ships Passing in the Night:    The Current State of the Human Rights and Development Debate Seen Through the    Lens of the Millennium Development Goals. <b>Human Rights Quarterly</b>, vol.    27, n. 3, Aug. 2005, 755-829 p., p. 799. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt18"></a><a href="#tx18">18</a></b>.    Sachs, J. <b>Human Rights Perspectives on the Millennium Development Goals:    Conference Report</b>. Center for Human Rights and Global Justice/New York:    NYU School of Law, 2003, 10-11 p. Available at &lt;<b><a href="http://www.nyuhr.org/images/NYUCHRGJMDGREPORT2003.pdf" target="_blank">http://www.nyuhr.org/images/NYUCHRGJMDGREPORT2003.pdf</a></b>&gt;.    Last access on August 2006.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt19"></a><a href="#tx19">19</a>.</b>    Saunders, P. Towards a Credible Poverty Framework: From income Poverty to Deprivation.    <b>Social Policy Research Center Discussion Paper</b>, Sydney, University of    New South Wales, n. 131, Jan. 2004, p. 7.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt20"></a><a href="#tx20">20</a>.</b>    Commission on human rights. Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Human Rights    and extreme poverty. <b>Report of the independent expert on the question of    human rights and extreme poverty byArjun Sengupta</b>. UN DOC: E/CN.4/2005,    11 Feb. 2005, &sect; 3. From now on cited as "<i>Independent Expert Report 2005</i>".    Even within this usual definition of poverty, there are several disagreements    in conceptual terms and even greater ones regarding how to measure it; the analysis    of which exceeds the scope of this paper.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt21"></a><a href="#tx21">21</a>.</b>    Sachs, J. D. <b>The end of poverty, economic possibilities for our time</b>.    New York,The Penguin Press, 2005, p. 20.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt22"></a><a href="#tx22">22</a>.</b>    Allen, T. &amp; Thomas, A. (eds.). <b>Poverty and Development into the 21 st    Century</b>. Oxford. Oxford University Press, 2000. p. 10.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt23"></a><a href="#tx23">23</a>.</b>    Sachs, 2005, p. 20. Although the WB poverty line is very well known, both in    scholars and popular circles, it was also critiqued. See for example Reddy,    S.G. &amp; Pogge, T. <b>Unknown: The Extent, Distribution, and Trend of Global    Income Poverty</b>. Available at: &lt;<b><a href="http://www.socialanalysis.org/" target="_blank">http://www.socialanalysis.org/</a></b>&gt;.    Last access on August 2006.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2">(arguing that an arbitrary international poverty    line unrelated to any clear conception of what poverty is, employs a misleading    and inaccurate measure of purchasing power 'equivalence' that creates serious    and irreparable difficulties for international and inter-temporal comparisons    of income poverty, and extrapolates incorrectly from limited data and thereby    creates an appearance of precision that masks the high probable error of its    estimates). Allan Thomas has also acknowledged that "what it is regarded as    poverty is not absolute but depends on the value system of a particular society."Allen    &amp; Thomas (eds.), 2000, p.20.</font></p>     ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt24"></a><a href="#tx24">24</a>.</b>    "<i>Income poverty </i>is only one constituent element of well-being and plays    an instrumental role determining the enjoyment of other elements constituting    well being."UN DOC: E/CN.4/2005, 11 Feb. 2005, &sect; 8. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt25"></a><a href="#tx25">25</a>.</b>    Vizard, 2006, p. 3. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt26"></a><a href="#tx26">26</a>.</b>    Dr&egrave;ze, J. &amp; Sen, A.K. <b>India: Development and Participation</b>.    New Delhi: Oxford University Press, cited in Vizard, 2006, p. 3.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt27"></a><a href="#tx27">27</a>.</b>    There are two HPIs, one for developing countries and another one for industrialized    ones. They use different standards for measure those three dimensions and the    latest includes a fourth dimension: social exclusion. UNDP. <b>Human Development    Report 2003: Millennium Development Goals: a Compact Among Nations to End Human    Poverty</b>. New York: Oxford University Press, 2003, p. 61.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt28"></a><a href="#tx28">28</a>.</b>    UNDP. <b>Human Development Report 1997: Human Development to Eradicate Poverty</b>,    p. 17. Available at &lt;<b><a href="http://hdr.undp.org/reports/global/1997/en/" target="_blank">http://hdr.undp.org/reports/global/1997/en/</a></b>&gt;.    Last access on August 2006.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt29"></a><a href="#tx29">29</a>.</b>    European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions. <b>Public    welfare Services and Social Exclusion: the Development of Consumer Oriented    Initiatives in the European Union.</b> Dublin, 1995, cited in Allen &amp; Thomas    (eds.), 2000, p.14.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt30"></a><a href="#tx30">30</a>.</b>    Rawls, J The Idea of Public Reason Revisited. In: <b>The Law of Peoples</b>.    Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999, p. 133. See also Rawls, J. <b>Political    Liberalism</b>. New York: Columbia University Press, 1996, ch. <i>Xviii</i>    and <i>xx</i>, pp. 227-230. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt31"></a><a href="#tx31">31</a>.</b>    Commission on human rights. Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Human Rights    and extreme poverty. <b>Report of the independent expert on the question of    human rights and extreme poverty byArjun Sengupta</b>. UN DOC: E/CN.4/2005,    2 Mar. 2006 and Commission on human rights. Economic, Social and Cultural Rights,    Human Rights and extreme poverty. <b>Report of the independent expert on the    question of human rights and extreme poverty byArjun Sengupta</b>. UN DOC: E/CN.4/2006/43;    2 March 2006, &sect; 55.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt32"></a><a href="#tx32">32</a>.</b>    At a conceptual level, the moral discussion about why and how poverty is a human    rights violation &#150; as well as a violation of the economic and social rights    usually primarily compromised by poverty - is particularly important, because    of the rudimentary development of the field, in comparison with the ethical    and political justification for civil and political rights. A brief summary    of this difficulty and the main answers is discussed on chapter II.B. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt33"></a><a href="#tx33">33</a>.</b>    Vizard, 2006, p. 103. </font></p>     ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt34"></a><a href="#tx34">34</a>.</b>    Robinson, M. BBC NEWS, Thursday, 21 Nov. 2002. Available at &lt;<b><a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/low/talking_point/forum/1673034.stm" target="_blank">http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/low/talking_point/forum/1673034.stm</a></b>&gt;.    Last access on August 2006.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2">This approach is re-stated in her preface&nbsp;to    the OHCHR. <b>Draft Guidelines: A Human Rights Approach to Poverty Reduction    Strategies</b>, Preface, 2002. Available at &lt;<a href="http://www.unhchr.ch/development/povertyfinal.html" target="_blank">www.unhchr.ch/development/povertyfinal.html</a>&gt;.    Last access on August 2006.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt35"></a><a href="#tx35">35</a>.</b>    UNDP. <b>Poverty reduction and human rights: a practice note</b>, 2003. Available    at: &lt;<a href="http://www.undp.org/poverty/practicenotes/povertyreduction-humanrights0603.pdf." target="_blank"><b>http://www.undp.org/poverty/practicenotes/povertyreduction-humanrights0603.pdf</b>.</a>&gt;.    Last access on August 2006.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt36"></a><a href="#tx36">36</a>.</b>    OHCHR, <b>Human Rights and Poverty Reduction, a conceptual framework,</b> New    York and Geneva, 2004, available at <b><a href="http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu6/2/povertyE.pdf." target="_blank">http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu6/2/povertyE.pdf</a></b><a href="http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu6/2/povertyE.pdf.">.</a>    Las access on August 2008.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt37"></a><a href="#tx37">37</a>.</b>    Ibid, p. 10.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt38"></a><a href="#tx38">38</a>.</b>    Ibid, p. 6. As it will be shown bellow, it was argued that the transition from    capabilities to rights is not "natural"or necessary.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt39"></a><a href="#tx39">39</a>.</b>    Freedom here is conceived in a broad sense, to encompass both positive and negative    freedoms. Thus, a person's freedom to live a healthy life is contingent both    on the requirement that no one obstructs her legitimate pursuit of good health    &#150; negative freedom, and also on the society's success in creating an enabling    environment in which she can actually achieve good health &#150; positive freedom.    Ibid, p. 7.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt40"></a><a href="#tx40">40</a>.</b>    sen , A. <b>Inequality Re-examined</b>. Cambridge: Harvard University Press,    1992, p. 109, cited in Hunt, Nowak &amp; Osmani, HR/PUB/04/1, 2004, p.7.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt41"></a><a href="#tx41">41</a>.</b>    OHCHR, <b>Human Rights and Poverty Reduction, a conceptual framework,</b> New    York and Geneva, 2004, p. 9. Available at &lt;<b><a href="http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu6/2/povertyE.pdf" target="_blank">http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu6/2/povertyE.pdf</a></b>&gt;.    Last access on August 2008.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt42"></a><a href="#tx42">42</a>.</b>    "The Committee is of the view that a minimum core obligation to ensure the satisfaction    of, at the very least, minimum essential levels of each of the rights is incumbent    upon every State party."UNITED NATIONS. Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural    Rights. <b>The nature of States parties obligations</b>. General Comment 3,    UN Doc. HR1/GEN/1/Rev.1 at 45, 1990<i>, </i>&sect; 1 and 10. </font></p>     ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt43"></a><a href="#tx43">43</a>.</b>    Hunt, P. Nowak, M. &amp; Osmani, S. <b>Human Rights and Poverty Reduction, a    conceptual framework, </b>OHCHR, HR/PUB/04/1. 2004<i>, </i>p. 7. Emphasis added.    </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt44"></a><a href="#tx44">44</a>.</b>    Ibid, p. 6.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt45"></a><a href="#tx45">45</a>.</b>    Ibid, p. 8. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt46"></a><a href="#tx46">46</a>.</b>    Ibid, p. 11.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt47"></a><a href="#tx47">47</a>.</b>    Ibid, p. 9.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt48"></a><a href="#tx48">48</a>.</b>    UNITED NATIONS. Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. <b>The nature    of States parties obligations</b>. General Comment 3, UN Doc. HR1/GEN/1/Rev.1    at 45, 1990, par.10.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt49"></a><a href="#tx49">49</a>.</b>    Ibid. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt50"></a><a href="#tx50">50</a>.</b>    Chapman, A. &amp; Russell, S. (eds.). <b>Core Obligations: building a framework    for economic, social and cultural rights</b>. Brussels: Intersentia, 2002, p.    16. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt51"></a><a href="#tx51">51</a></b>    International Social Science Council. Comparative Research Programmed on Poverty    (CROP), UNESCO Sector for the Social and Human Sciences/CROP consultation on    the Draft Document <b>Abolishing Poverty Through the International Human Rights    Framework: Towards an Integrated Strategy for the Social and Human Sciences.    </b><i>Draft V.3 24.03.03,</i> Report, 2003, p. 3. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt52"></a><a href="#tx52">52</a>.</b>    Campbell, T. Poverty as a violation of Human Rights: Inhumanity or Injustice?    In: <b>Freedom from poverty as a human right &#150; Who owes what to the very    poor?</b>. Pogge, T. (ed.). Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2007<b>, </b>page    55.</font></p>     ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt53"></a><a href="#tx53">53</a>.</b>    Vizard, 2006, supra cited. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt54"></a><a href="#tx54">54</a>.</b>    Ibid.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt55"></a><a href="#tx55">55</a>.</b>    Morsink, J. <b>The Universal Declaration of Human Rights: Origins, Drafting,    and Intent. </b>Philadelphia, PA, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999, p.    88-91.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt56"></a><a href="#tx56">56</a>.</b>    Pogge, T. <b>World poverty and human rights: Cosmopolitan responsibilities and    reforms</b>. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2002, p. 53.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt57"></a><a href="#tx57">57</a>.</b>    Ibid, p.145 and 172.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt58"></a><a href="#tx58">58</a>.</b>    Rawls influential thesis of justice as fairness argues that the liberal requirement    of justice includes a strong component of equality among citizens, because of    the importance of a person's real opportunity to pursue his or her objectives.    Thus, Rawls&acute; famous principles of justice, aim to (1) equalize the basic    liberties enjoyed by all people and (2) maximize the value of equal basic liberties    of the least advantaged by regulating inequalities in primary goods according    to the 'difference principle'.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"> Rawls, J. <b>Political Liberalism</b>. New York:    Columbia University Press, 1993). However, according to Rawls the component    of equality is a political demand, not a moral one, and thus applies only to    the nation state ( Nagel, T. The Problem of Global Justice. <b>Philosophy and    Public Affairs</b>, v.<i> 33</i>, n. 2, 2005, p. 144, citing Rawls, J. <b>The    Law of Peoples</b>. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, page 37, 1999). As    a consequence he argued that although we might have a duty to assist 'burdened    societies' to overcome their 'unfavorable conditions', we have no responsibility    for poverty in many developing countries because it is caused by the incompetence,    corruption and tyranny entrenched in their governments, institutions and cultures    (according to Tsagourias, N., Pogge, T. World Poverty and Human Rights: Cosmopolitan    Responsibilities and Reforms (Book Review). <b>Leiden Journal of International    Law</b>, The Hague, v. 17, p. 631-644, 2004. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2">Thus, under Rawl's theory then, there is not    an universal human rights to be free from poverty. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt59"></a><a href="#tx59">59</a>.</b>    Tsagourias, 2004, supra cited, p. 631-644. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt60"></a><a href="#tx60">60</a>.</b>    Pogge describes a proposal in which governments must pay a small part of revenues    for using or selling the natural resources extracted from their territory to    a 'global resources dividend' (comparable to the Tobin Tax). These revenues    then are redistributed to the globally worst-off to ensure that they can meet    their own basic needs. Pogge, 2002, p. 196-7.</font></p>     ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt61"></a><a href="#tx61">61</a>.</b>    Vizard, 2006, supra cited, p. 25.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt62"></a><a href="#tx62">62</a>.</b>    Vizard argues that Sen has moved forward the Rawlsian position by contesting    the concept of 'primary goods' of Rawls' second principle of justice, because    of it failure to capture the interpersonal differences and the valuable ends    of different people. Sen argues that this variable can be taken into account    without loosing objectivity and that it is in fact critical to the characterization    of someone's lack of freedoms. He proposes replace the 'primary goods' concept    with the 'capability of functions', which is better suit to achieve real or    substantive opportunity. Vizard, 2006, p. 65-70. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt63"></a><a href="#tx63">63</a>.</b>    Vizard, 2006, p. 81. "On the other hand, Sen is contesting some of the basic    assumptions of both the libertarian and liberal tradition, specially through    the support of a system of ethical evaluation that are sensitive to consequences,    outcomes and results; support for positive obligations of assistance and aid,    including the relaxation of the condition of 'co-possibility' and support for    the general class of meta rights; support for human rights in the context of    'imperfect obligations and support for universalism against the relativist and    culture-based critiques."For a complete account of Sen's contributions to the    ethical and political debate see Vizard, 2006, ch. 2 and 3. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt64"></a><a href="#tx64">64</a>.</b>    ICESCR, 1966, articles 1.1 (right to development) and 11 (right to an adequate    standard of living). See for example Campbell, 2007, p. 60.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt65"></a><a href="#tx65">65</a>.</b>    UN DOC: E/CN.4/2006/43, 2 Mar. 2006<i>, </i>&sect;41.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt66"></a><a href="#tx66">66</a>.</b>    Ibid, &sect;60.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt67"></a><a href="#tx67">67</a>.</b>    Ibid, &sect;62.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt68"></a><a href="#tx68">68</a>.</b>    Ibid, &sect;70. He argues that "the principal reason why poverty eradication    has not became a general objective of social policy in all societies, superseding    all other objectives, as the case would be for human rights norms, would be    the unmanageability of the total number of people suffering from such poverty.    The definition of extreme poverty set out in this report would meet this problem    by reducing the total number of people affected". Ibid<i>, </i>&sect;62</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt69"></a><a href="#tx69">69</a>.</b>    Such as the right to food, health, education, social security and an adequate    standard of living from the ICESCR; and the right to association, information    and freedom of expression from the ICCPR. Ibid<i>, </i>&sect;49.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt70"></a><a href="#tx70">70</a>.</b>    Ibid, &sect;61.</font></p>     ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt71"></a><a href="#tx71">71</a>.</b>    Ibid, &sect;70. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt72"></a><a href="#tx72">72</a>.</b>    Ibid, &sect;&sect; 31,33 and 43.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt73"></a><a href="#tx73">73</a>.</b>    Arjun Sengupta was UN Independent Expert of Extreme Poverty and human Rights    from August 2004-April 2008. His position as UN expert was summarized above.    He was previously the Independent Expert for the Right to Development. In this    recent paper, prepared for the mentioned UNESCO international seminars, he presents    his own views which have some differences from his position expressed as Independent    Expert in his reports of 2005/6.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt74"></a><a href="#tx74">74</a>.</b>    See UNITED NATIONS. <b>Declaration on the Right to Development, </b>Adopted    by United Nations General Assembly resolution 41/128 of 4 December 1986 and    <b>Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action,</b> adopted by the World Conference    on Human Rights on 25 June 1993 (UN DOC: A/CONF.157/23). See also Sengupta,    A. The Theory and Practice of the Right to Development. <b>Human Rights Quarterly</b>,    The Johns Hopkins University Press, Volume 24 Number 4 pages 837-889, Nov. 2002.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt75"></a><a href="#tx75">75</a>.</b>    Sengupta, A. Poverty Eradication and Human Rights, In: <b>Freedom from poverty    as a human right &#150; Who owes what to the very poor?</b>. Pogge, T. (ed.).    Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2007<b>, </b>page 338. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt76"></a><a href="#tx76">76</a>.</b>    Ibid. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt77"></a><a href="#tx77">77</a>.</b>    Vizard, 2006.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt78"></a><a href="#tx78">78</a>.</b>    Ibid, p. 66.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt79"></a><a href="#tx79">79</a>.</b>    United Nations Charter, articles 55 and 56; the Universal Declaration of Human    Right (UDHR), articles 1(1), 25 and 26; the International Covenant on Civil    and Political Rights (ICCPR), preamble and article 6; the International Covenant    of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), preamble and articles 11,    12, 13 and 14; International Convention on the Elimination of All form of Racial    Discrimination, article 5 (e); the Convention on the Elimination of All Forma    of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), articles 11, 12, 13, 14(1-2) and the    Convention on the Rights of the Child, articles 1, 24, 26, 27, 28, 29. Vizard,    2006, p. 143.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt80"></a><a href="#tx80">80</a>.</b>    In this sense, although her position is categorized in this third group of conceptual    proposals, which defends the notion of an independent human right to be free    from poverty, her work is much broader and more useful in clarifying the consequences    of any of the previous approaches. Moreover, her monograph is important for    the much needed clarification of the content and scope of many economic and    social rights.</font></p>     ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt81"></a><a href="#tx81">81</a>.</b>    The connections are: (1) a broad conception of human rights that takes account    of global poverty (2) Rejection of 'absolutism' and the view that resource constrains    represent a theoretical obstacle to the establishment of international legal    obligations in the field of global poverty and human rights; (3) Recognition    of positive obligations of protection and promotion; (4) Recognition of general    goals (as well as specific actions) as the object of human rights; (5) Assessment    of the 'reasonableness' of state actions; (6) Importance of rights to policies    and programs (or 'meta rights') when resource constraints are binding; (7) Recognition    of collective international obligations of cooperation, assistance and aid;    (8) Recognition of the importance of outcomes and results to the evaluation    of human rights. Vizard, 2006, p. 141.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt82"></a><a href="#tx82">82</a>.</b>    Ibid, pp. 242-3.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt83"></a><a href="#tx83">83</a>.</b>    Ibid, p. 244.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt84"></a><a href="#tx84">84</a>.</b>    Particularly useful is Beetham, D. What Future for Economic and Social Rights?.    <b>Political Studies</b><i>,</i> Sheffield<i>, </i>v. XLIII, p. 41-60, 1995.    </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2">For a complete critical account and response    to all the obstacles to economic and social rights justiciability see Abramovich,    V. &amp; CUrtis, C. <b>Los Derechos Sociales como Derechos Exigibles</b>. Buenos    Aires: Trotta Ed., 255 p. 2002.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt85"></a><a href="#tx85">85</a>.</b>    Campbell, 2007, p. 60.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt86"></a><a href="#tx86">86</a>.</b>    VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION, adopted by the World Conference    on Human Rights on 25 June 1993 (UN DOC: A/CONF.157/23). </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt87"></a><a href="#tx87">87</a>.</b>    Alston, 2005, p. 787. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt88"></a><a href="#tx88">88</a>.</b>    UN DOC A/CONF.157/24, 1993, cited in Alston, 2005, p. 786.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt89"></a><a href="#tx89">89</a>.</b>    Alston, 2005, p. 787.</font></p>     ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt90"></a><a href="#tx90">90</a>.</b>    UN DOC: E/CN.4/2006/43, 2 Mar. 2006, &sect;41.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt91"></a><a href="#tx91">91</a>.</b>    Ibid, &sect;27.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt92"></a><a href="#tx92">92</a>.</b>    Ibid. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt93"></a><a href="#tx93">93</a>.</b>    Ibid. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt94"></a><a href="#tx94">94</a>.</b>    UN DOC: E/CN.4/2005, 11 Feb. 2005, &sect;29.Nonetheless, in his 2006 report    he argues in favor of considering <i>extremepoverty</i> as a violation of a    human right to an adequate standard of living (UN DOC: E/CN.4/2006/43, 2 Mar.    2006<i>,</i> &sect;48.). This approach was analyzed above in the second group    of theories: A human right to be free from poverty. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt95"></a><a href="#tx95">95</a>.</b>    UN DOC: E/CN.4/2005, 11 Feb. 2005, &sect;27. </font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt96"></a><a href="#tx96">96</a>.</b>    OHCHR, <b>Draft guidelines: A Human Rights Approach to Poverty Reduction Strategies</b>,    Geneva, 2002. Available at &lt;<a href="http://www.unhchr.ch/development/povertyfinal.html" target="_blank">www.unhchr.ch/development/povertyfinal.html</a>.&gt;.    Last access on August 2008.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2">It aims to provide practitioners involved in    the design and implementation of poverty reduction strategies (PRS) with operational    guidelines for the adoption of a human rights approach to poverty reduction.</font></p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b><a name="nt97"></a><a href="#tx97">97</a>.</b>    UNDP, A Users's Guide, Mar. 2006. This practical guide addressed to UNDP Country    Offices contain different aspects relating development and use of indicators    across the key elements of human rights programming, summarizing the main existing    indicators for human rights and discussing their limitation for development    programming.<i>&nbsp;</i></font></p>     <p>&nbsp;</p>     ]]></body>
<body><![CDATA[<p>&nbsp;</p>     <p><font face="Verdana" size="2"><b>FERNANDA DOZ COSTA</b></font>    <br>   <font face="Verdana" size="2">Fernanda Doz Costa is Lawyer with a LLM from New    York University and Fulbright and Global Public Service Law Scholar. Worked    with international human rights law litigation with a focus on ESCR at CEJIL    (Center for Justice and International Law), CEDHA (Centre for Human Rights and    Environment) and ANDHES (Northwestern Argentinean Lawyers for Human Rights).    Currently, she works as ESCR Researcher in the Americas Program at the International    Secretariat, Amnesty International.</font></p>      ]]></body><back>
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